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Full text of "Indians of North Carolina : letter from the secretary of the Interior, transmitting, in response to a Senate resolution of June 30, 1914, a report on the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining counties of North Carolina"

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FOR USE ONLY IN 
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University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 



http://archive.org/details/indiansofnorthcaOOmcph 



63d Congress 1 SENATE -1 ^^ocumknt 

Sd Session > ) No. 677 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA 



LETTER FROM 
THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR 

TRANSMITTING, 

IN RESPONSE TO A SENATE RESOLUTION 
OF JUNE 30, 1914, A REPORT ON THE CONDI- 
TION AND TRIBAL RIGHTS OF THE INDIANS 
OF ROBESON AND ADJOINING COUN- 
TIES OF NORTH CAROLINA 




January 5, 1915. — Referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs 
and ordered to be printed 

January 13, 1915. — Accompanying illustrations ordered printed 



WASHINGTON 
1915 



t. 



CONTENTS. 



Page. 

Letter of transmittal -.-:•- ^ 

Report on condition and tribal rights of Indians of Robeson and adjoining 

counties in North Carolina 7 

Exhibit A 32 

Al— Senate resolution No. 410 32 

A2— Office instructions, July 23, 1914 32 

A3— Eleventh Census, United States, 1890 33 

Exhibit B 36 

Bl — Petition of Croatan Indians.-. 36 

B2— Office letter of Hon. J. W. Powell, January 7, 1889 37 

B3— Letter of J. W. Powell to Indian Office, January 11, 1889 37 

B4— Office letter to Hamilton McMillan, January 29, 1889 38 

B5— Letter of W. L. Moore to Indian Office, July 2, 1890 38 

B6— Office letter to Hamilton McMillan, July 14, 1890 39 

B7— Letter of Hamilton McMillan' to Indian Office, July 17, 1890 39 

B8— Office letter to W. L. Moore, August 11, 1890 40 

Exhibit C. — Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony, by Hamilton McMillan 41 

Exhibit CC. — The Lost Colony jf Roanoke: Its Fate and Survival, by 

Stephen B. Weeks 58 

Exhibit CCC. — Extract from History of North Carolina, by Samuel A' Court 

Ashe 69 

Exhibit D. — Notes of Lederer's Travels in North Carolina, and Comments 

by Dr. Hawks 88 

Exhibit E. — Lawson's History of Carolina 99 

Exhibit F 120 

Historical Sketch of the Indians of Robeson County, by A. W. McLean. 120 

Letter of A. W. McLean, dated September 7, 1914 128 

Statement by Wash Lowrie, a Robeson County Indian 131 

Office letter of September 14, 1914, to A. W. McLean 132 

Exhibit G.— History of the Cherokee Indians (from Nineteenth Annual 

Report of the Bureau of Ethnology) 133 

Exhibit H. — History of the Tugcaroras (from Handbook of American In- 
dians) 180 

Exhibit I. — History of the Old Cherawa (from Greggs' History of the Old 

Cheraws) 196 

Exhibit J. — History of the Catawbas (from Handbook of American Indians) . 215 

Exhibit K 218 

History of the Cheraws (from Handbook of American Indians) 218 

History of the Cherokees (from Handbook of American Indians) 220 

Exhibit L. — Legislation relative to Indians of Robeson County 223 

Exhibit M. — Correspondence relative to the investigation of the condi- 
tion, tribal rights, etc., of the Indians of Robeson County, N. C 233 

3 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page. 

Indians cooking fish 76 

Map of the lost colony 83 

Ogilby's map of Carolina, 1671 89 

Lederer's map of Carolina, 1671. '. 90 

Home's map of Carolina, 1666 91 

Lawson's map of the Carolinas, 1709 100 

Map of the Cherokee country (from the Nineteenth Annual Report of the 

Bureau of American Ethnology) 134 

Map showing territory held by the Cherokees and their neighbors (from the 

Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology) 136 

Map of the sites of the Cheraws and Catawbas, from Greggs' History of the Old 

Cheraws 197 

Map of Cheraws precinct and parts adjacent (from Greggs' History of the Old 

Cheraws) ."^ 198 

4 



CKq-7o.oi 

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. 



Department of the Interioe, 

Washington, January 4, 1915. 
The President of the Senate. 

Sir: Senate resolution 410, dated June 30, 1914, reads as follows: 

That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he hereby is, directed to cause an inves- 
tigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson 
and adjoining counties of North Carolina, recently declared by the Legislature of 
North Carolina to be Cherokees, and formerly known as Croatans, and report to 
Congress what tribal rights, if any, they have with any band or tribe; whether they 
are entitled to or have received any lands, or whether there are any moneys due 
them, their present condition, their educational facilities, and such other facts as 
would enable Congress to determine whether the Government would be warranted 
in making suitable provision for their support and education. 

In conformity therewith, I have caused an investigation to be 
made by Special Indian Agent O. M. McPherson, and am transmitting 
herewith his report of September 19, 1914. This report is quite full, 
showing a careful investigation on the ground as well as extensive 
historical research. 

It is believed that this report covers the matters mentioned in the 
resolution, and it is hoped that the information afforded thereby will 
"enable Congress to determine whether the Government wdl be 
warranted in making suitable provision for their support and 
education." 

Respectfully, 

Franklin K. Lane. 



REPORT ON CONDITION AND TRIBAL RIGHTS OF THE 
INDIANS OF ROBESON AND ADJOINING COUNTIES 
OF NORTH CAROLINA. 



By Special Indian Agent O. M. McPheeson. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, September 19, 1914- 
Hon. Cato Sells, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 
My Dear Mr. Sells: On June 30, 1914, the Senate passed a reso- 
lution (S. Res. 410) authorizing and directing the Secretar^r of the 
Interior to cause an investigation to be made of the condition and 
tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining counties in 
North Carohna. Said resolution reads as follows: 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he hereby is, directed to cause 
an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson 
and adjoining counties of North Carolina, recently declared by the legislature of North 
Carolina to be Cherokees, and formerly known as Croatana, and report to Congress 
what tribal rights, if any, thej' have with any band or tribe; whether they are entitled 
to or have received any lands, or whether there are any moneys due them, their present 
condition, their educational facilities, and such other facts as would enable Congress 
to determine whether the Government would be warranted in making suitable pro- 
vision for their support and education. 

(See Exhibit A.) 

On July 23, 1914, you instructed me to proceed to Robeson County, 
N. C, as earl^r as convenient, and make the investigation called for 
by the resolution. In obedience to your instructions I immediately 
proceeded to Lumberton, in said State, and the results of my investi- 
gation will appear under appropriate headings in this report. (See 
Exhibit Al.) 

historical. 

The Croatan Indians (designated "Cherokee Indians of Robeson 
County" by an act of the General Assembly of North Carolina rati- 
fied Mar, 11, 1913) comprise a body of mixed-blood people residing 
chiefly in Robeson County, N. C. A few of the same class of people 
reside in Bladen, Columbus, Cumberland, Scotland, and Hoke Coun- 
ties, N. C, and in Sumter, Marlboro, and Dillon Counties, S. C. It 
is also said that a similar people, called "Redbones," reside in these 
counties in South Carohna, but I think it probable that they belong 
to the same class of people as those residing in Robeson County, 
N. C. In the Eleventh Census, of 1890, under the title "North Caro- 



8 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Una Indians," they are described as "generally white, showing the 
Indian mostly in actions and habits." It is stated that — 

They were enumerated by the regular census enumerator in part as whites; that 
they are clannish and hold with considerable pride to the tradition that they are the 
descendants of the Croatans of the Raleigh period of North Carolina and Virginia. 

(See Exhibit A2.) 

They are described in the Hand Book of American Indians, Bureau 
of American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 30, as a people evidently of 
mixed Indian and white blood, found in various sections in the east- 
ern part of North Carolina, but chiefly in Robeson County. It is 
also stated that for many years they were classed with the free negroes, 
but steadfastly refused to accept such classification or to attend the 
negro schools or churches, claiming to be the descendants of the 
early native tribes and white settlers who had intermarried with 
them. 

A bulletin of the Thirteenth Census (census of 1910), "Indians of 
North Carolina," shows their numbers to be as follows: 

Bladen County 36 

Columbus County 12 

Cumberland County 48 

Scotland County 74 

Sampson County 213 

Robeson County 5, 895 

Total in North Carolina 6, 278 

In a statement furnished the Committee on Indian Affairs, House 
of Representatives, February 14, 1913, in the hearing on Senate bill 
3258, it is said: 

According to the census of 1910, the number of Indians in Robeson County waa 
5,895. There are also about 1,500 to 2,000 in adjoining counties in North and South 
Carolina, making a settlement in all of about 8,000 persons. 

Apparently, the Indian Office had no knowledge of the existence 
of the Croatan Indians until the latter part of 1888. About that 
time 54 of these Indians, describing themselves as "a part of the 
Croatan Indians living in Robeson County," and claiming to be "a 
remnant of White's lost colony," petitioned Congress "for such aid 
as you may see fit to extend to us." This petition was referred to the 
Indian Office, and on January 7, 1889, a copy was sent to the Director 
of the Bureau of Ethnology, with the statement that there was no 
record in the Indian Ofiice showing any such Indians or any such 
colony as that referred to, and requesting to be furnished with such 
information as said bureau had concerning these people. On Janu- 
ary 11, 1889, the Director of the Ethnological Bureau replied: 

I beg leave to say that Croatan was in 1585 and thereabouts the name of an island 
and Indian village just north of Cape Hatteras, N. C. White's colony of 120 men 
and women was landed on Roanoke Island just to the north in 1587, and in 1590 when 
White returned to revisit the colony he found no trace of it on Roanoke Island, save 
the name "Croatoan" carved upon a tree, which, according to a previous understand- 
ing, was interpreted to mean that the colonists had left Roanoke Island for Croatan. 
No actual trace of the missing colonists was ever found, but more than 100 years 
afterwards Lawson obtained traditional information from the Hatteras Indians which 
led him to believe that the colonists had been incorporated with the Indians. It 
It was thought that traces of white blood could be discovered among the Indians, 
some among them having grry eyes. It is probable that the greater number of the 
colonists were killed; but it was quite in keeping with Indian usages that a greater 
or less number, especially women and children, should have been made captive and 
subsequently incorporated into the tribe. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 9 

(See Exhibit B2.) 

On January 29, 1889, the Indian Office communicated with Mr. 
Hamilton McMillan, of FayetteviUe, N. C, concerning these Indians, 
with the result that on July 17, 1890, Mr. McMillan sent the office a 
copy of his booklet relating to these people, entitled "Sir Walter 
Raleigh's Lost Colony." Further mention will be made of Mr. Mc- 
Millan's views concerning the Robeson County Indians. On August 
11, 1890, in reply to a letter of July 2 of that year, the Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs wrote Mr. W. L. Moore, of Osborne, N. C. : 

It appears from his statement that this band is recognized by the State of North 
Carolina, has been admitted to citizenship, and the State has undertaken the work 
of their education. 

While I regret exceedingly that the provisions made by the State of North Carolina 
eeem to be entirely inadequate, I find it quite impracticable to render any assistance 
at this time. The Grovernment is responsible for the education of something like 
36,000 Indian children and has provisions for less than half this number. So long as 
the immediate wards of the Government are so insufiiciently provided for, I do not 
see how I can consistently render any assistance to the Croatans or any other civilized 
tribes. 

(See Exhibit B7. See Exhibit C for the McMillan booklet.) 
Much doubt and uncertainty has existed as to the source of the 
Indian blood of this people and as to whether their ancestors com- 

{)rised a part of White's lost colony (sometimes spoken of as "Raleigh's 
ost colony"). Some of these Indians hold to a tradition that they 
are of Cherokee origin, and affect to beheve that the action of the 
General Assembly of North Carolina in designating them as "Chero- 
kee Indians of Robeson County" in some way confirms this tradition. 
I find that the question of the source of then- Indian blood, and 
whether their ancestors were a part of Gov. White's lost colony are 
so inextricably bound together that it wiU be necessary to treat 
of both subjects under the same heading. 

white's lost colony. 

The first explorer of the region originally known as Virginia, com- 
prising the territory afterwards known as Virginia, North Carolina, 
and South Carohna (omitting for the present some explorations along 
the coast made by Lane), was John Lederer, a learned German, who 
resided in the Virginia colony during the administration of Sir William 
Berkeley. It appears that he made " three several marches" through 
the country referred to between March, 1669, and September, 1670. 
Copious extracts from Lederer' s notes of travel are printed in Vol- 
ume II of Hawks's History of North Carolina, together with lengthy 
explanatory notes. A map of Lederer's explorations accompanies 
Talbot's translation of the notes (which were written in Latin), by 
the aid of which Dr. Hiwks endeavored to trace the explorer's wan- 
derings in North Carohna. A facsimile of the map is printed in the 
history; also a facsimile of the map of Carolina drawn by Ogilby in 
1671. Copies of these maps and the text relatmg to Lederer's notes 
as found m Dr. Hawks's History, Vol. II, accompany this report. 
(See Exhibit D.) 

Dr. Hawks found himself unable to reconcile some of Lederer's 
narrative with later well-known geographical and historical facts. 
This was probably due to inaccuracies in courses and distances trav- 
eled by the explorer, to errors in names and locations, and to stiU 



10 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

greater inaccuracies in the or^al map. It is not my purpose to 
attempt to reconcile or explam these inaccuracies, but merely to 
call attention to some important facts which seem to have some rela- 
tion to the early history of the so-called Croatan Indians. 

There is a long-standing tradition among these Indians that their 
ancestors were white people, a part of Gov. White's lost colony, who 
amalgamated with the coast Indians and afterwards removed to the 
interior, where they now reside; and it is my purpose to inquire into 
the historical data which support or contradict this tradition. It is 
a matter of common knowledge that the Indians are a people of 
"traditions," being entirely destitute of written records. Indeed, I 
would regard the tradition of these people that their ancestors com- 
prised a part of the "lost colony" as of little value were it not sup- 
ported by what is regarded as authentic historical data. Mr. James 
Mooney, in the Hand Book of Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Bulletin No. 30, expresses doubt that these people originated from 
White's lost colony. He says: 

The theory of descent from the lost colony may be regarded as baseless, but the 
name itself serves as a convenient label for a people who combine in themselves the 
blood of the wasted native tribes, the early colonists or forest rovers, the runaway 
slaves or other negroes, and probably also of stray seamen of the Latin races from 
coasting vessels in the West Indian or Brazilian trade. 

Mr. Samuel A'Court Ashe, a most creditable historian, also seems 
to doubt the origin of the Croatan Indians from White's lost colony. 
He says in part: 

Because names borne by some of the colonists have been found among a mixed 
race in Robeson County, now called Croatans, an inference has been drawn that there 
was some connection between them. It is highly improbable that English names 
would have been preserved among a tribe of savages beyond the second generation, 
there being no communication except with other savages. If English names had 
existed among the Hatteras Indians in Lawson's time, he ]3robably would have men- 
tioned it as additional evidence corroborating his suggestion deduced from some of 
them having gray eyes and from their valuing themselves on their afhnity to the 
English. It is also to be observed that nowhere among the Indians were found houses 
or tilled lands or other evidences of improvement on the customs and manners of 
the aborigines. When this mixed race was first observed by the early settlers of the 
upper Cape Fear, about 1735, it is said that they spoke English, cultivated land, 
lived in substantial houses, and otherwise practiced the arts of civilized life, being in 
these respects different from any Indian tribe. 

(See Exhibit CCC.) 

Except for the doubt expressed by these writers, the universal 
opinion of those who have written concerning the early history of 
the Carolinas, as far as I have been able to ascertain, supports the 
tradition of the Indians. 

Gov. White's notes of his voyage to Virginia (North Carohna) in 
search of the colony he planted on Roanoke Island in 1587 are 
printed at length in Hawks's History of North Carohna, extracts 
from which are reprinted in McMillan's pamphlet heretofore referred 
to. According to a secret understanding which White had with the 
colonists before he returned to England, if they departed from 
Roanoke Island before his return (and there had been talk that they 
might go 50 miles into the interior) they were to carve upon the 
trees or posts of the doors " the name of the place where they should 
be seated." When White and his men on August 16, 1590, landed 
on the north point of the island, where they had left the colony 
three years previously, and proceeded up the sandy bank, they saw 
upon a tree, in the very brow thereof, the fair roman letters 



ITTDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 11 

"C. R. O.," which they "presently knew to signify the place where 
they should find the planters seated." It was also understood " that 
if they should happen to be distressed in any of thoseplaces" they 
should carve over the letters or name a cross; but White and his 
men found no such sign of distress. The narrative continues: 

And having well considered of this we passed through the place where they were 
left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken down and the place very strongly 
inclosed with a high palisade of great trees with curtains and flankers, very fortlike, 
and one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken 
off and 5 feet from the ground, in fair capital letters, was graven "ceoatoan," 
vdthout any cross or sign of distress. 

It should be noted that the word carved upon the tree was " Croa- 
toan" and not "Croatan" as stated by some of the historians. 
White's narrative continues: 

This done, we entered into the palisade, where we found many bars of iron, two 
pigs of lead, four iron fowlers, iron locker, shot, and such like heavy things thrown 
here and there, almost overgrown with grass and weeds. But although it grieved me 
much to see such spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had 
safely found a certain token of their being at Croatoan, which is the place where 
Manteo was bom, and the savages of the island our friends. 

Manteo, it will be remembered, was one of two friendly Indians 
who had been carried to England by Sir Richard Grenville and 
returned to Virginia with Gov. White on the occasion of his first 
voyage, in 1587. On August 13 of that year, Manteo, by direction 
of Sir Walter Raleigh, was baptized, and in reward for his services 
to the EngHsh he was designated "Lord of Roanoke and Dasa- 
monguepeuk." 

Returning to Lederer's travels, it will be noted that on the map 
prepared in 1666 — one of the earliest maps of the Carolina coast — 
Croatoan is represented as an island south of Cape Hatteras. This 
seems to accord with White's narrative, quoted above. On the 
map prepared by Ogilby, 1671, on the order of the lords proprietors, 
and on the map ©f "Carolina, described 1666" (facsimile by Schroe- 
ter),Croatan is marked as a part of the main land, directly west of 
Roanoke Island. Gov. White's narrative indicates that the colo- 
nists (or " planters," as he called them) originally removed to Croatoan, 
an island south of Cape Hatteras, and not to Croatan, a part of the 
mainland. Mr. McMillan in his pamphlet (p. 11) says: 

It is evident from the story of Gov. White, as given on a preceding page, that the 
colonists went southward along the coast to Croatoan Island, now a part of Carteret 
County, in North Carolina, and distant about 100 miles in a direct line from Albe- 
marle Soimd. 

The Tuscarora Indians was a powerful and warUke tribe, occupy- 
ing the central eastern part of North Carohna. They had frequent 
encounters with the Cherokees and Catawbas on the west and south- 
west, and with the Cheraws on the south, but stood as an impassa- 
ble barrier to encroachments on their territory until the destructive 
war of 1711-1713. The exact location of the Tuscaroras can not be 
determined from Lederer's notes nor from Ogilby's or Lederer's map, 
further than that they occupied a very advantageous position in 
eastern North Carolina; but as indicative of the character of the 
people at this time (1670), especially the principal chief, Lederer 
says: 

Not thinking fit to proceed farther, the 8th and 20th of June I faced about and looked 
homeward. To avoid Wisacky marsh I shaped my course northeast; and after 



1.2 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

three days' travel over liilly ways, where I met with no path or road, I fell into a 
barren, sandy desert, where I suffered miserably for want of water, the heat of sum- 
mer having drunk all the springs dry and left no sign of any but the gravelly chan- 
nels in which they run; so that if now and then I had not found a standing pool, 
which provident nature set round with shady oaks to defend it from the ardor of the 
sun, my Indian companion, horse, and self had certainly perished with thirst. In 
this distress we traveled till the 12th of July, and then found the head of a river, 
which afterwards proved Eruco, in which we received not only the comfort of a 
necessary and seasonable refreshment, but likewise the hopes of coming into a coun- 
try again where we might find game for food at least, if not discover some new nation 
or people. Nor did our hopes fail us, for after we had crossed the river twice we 
were led by it, upon the 14th of July, to the town of Katearas, a place of great 
Indian trade and commerce and chief seat of the haughty emperor of the Taskiroras, 
called Kaskusara, vulgarly called Kaskous. His grim majesty, upon my first ap- 
pearance, demanded my gun and shot, which I wilHngly parted with, to ransom 
myself out of his clutches; for he was the most proud, imperious barbarian that I met 
with in all my marches. The people here at this time seemed prepared for some 
extraordinary solemnity, for the men and the women of better sort had decked them- 
selves very fine with pieces of briglit copper in their hair and ears and about their 
arms and necks, which upon festival occasions they use as an extraordinary bravery; 
by which it would seem this country is not without rich mines of copper, but I dm-st 
not stay to inform myself in it, being jealous of some sudden mischief toward me 
from Kaskous, his nature being bloody and provoked upon any slight occasion. 

Therefore, leaving Katearas, I traveled through the woods until the 16th, upon 
which I came to Kawitziokan, an Indian town upon a branch of Rorenoke River, 
which here I passed over, continuing my journey to Menchaerink; and on the 17th, 
departing from thence, I lay all night in the woods, and the next niorning, betimes 
going by Natoway, I reached that evening Apamatuck, in Virginia, where I was 
not a little overjoyed to see Christian faces again. 

(For the full text of Lederer's notes and Dr. Ilawks's comments, 
see Exhibit D.) 

John Lawson, surveyor general of North Carolina, was the next 
explorer who left a permanent record of his travels among the Indian 
tribes of the Carohnas. He commenced his journey at Charlestown, 
December 28, 1700, passed up the Santee and Wateree Kivers, and 
thence across the foothills to the headwaters of the tributaries of 
the Neuse and thence down these rivers to the coast. For many 
days he thought that he had crossed to the headwaters of the Cape 
Fear River, but after encountering Enoe-Will, an Indian who acted 
as his guide and interpreter during the latter part of his journey, 
discovered his mistake. He apparently passed through the country 
of the Santees, Waterus, Cheraws, and Catawbas, and on the return 
trip through the country of the Catawbas, Tuscaroras, and Corees. 
It is ]oossible that he may have entered the country of the Cherokees 
on the Hiwassee River, though this is by no means certain. I was 
fortunate in obtaining an original copy of the Lawson history, 
printed in London in 1718, from which I have copied liberally by 
photostat process. As in the case of the Lederer notes, it is not my 
purpose to review the Lawson history in extenso, but merely to call 
attention to such parts as relate to the lost colony and to the Indians 
with whom it is supposed they amalgamated. The history is ad- 
dressed to the "Lords-Proprietors of the Province of Carolina in 
America," and the author says in the preface: 

Having spent most of my Time, during my eight Years Abode in Carolina, in travel- 
ling; I not only survey'd the Sea-Coast and those Parts which are already inhabited 
by the Christians, but likewise view'd a spatious Tract of land, lying betwixt the 
Inhabitants and the Ledges of Mountains, from whence our noblest Rivers have their 
Rise, running towards the Ocean, where they water as pleasant a country as any in 
Europe, the Discovery of which being never yet made publick, I have, in the following 
Sheets, given yom a faithful Account thereof, wherein I have laid down everything 



INDIANS OF NOKTH CAKOLINA. 13 

with Impartiality, and Truth, which is indeed, the Duty of every Author, and 
preferable to a smooth Stile, accompany'd with Falsities and Hyperboles. 

It seems evident that Lawson and his party were unable to con- 
verse with the Indians of the several tribes through which they 
passed, except in the sign language, until they encountered Enoe-Will, 
one of the headmen of the Coree tribe, a small tribe originally residing 
on the coast near the mouth of the Neuse River, and which was prob- 
ably alUed with the Hatteras, Pamlico, and other coast tribes. 
About the point of leaving the country of the Keyauwees, most of 
the party abandoned Lawson, with a view of proceeding to Virginia, 
leaving him and one companion to pursue their journey alone through 
North Carolina. On page 53 Lawson says: 

This morning most of our Company having some Inclination to go straight away 
for Virginia, when they left this Place; I and one more took our leaves of them, resolv- 
ing (with God's Leave) to see North Carolina, one of the Indians setting us in our 
way. The rest being indifferent which way they went, desired us, by all means, 
to leave a Letter for them, at the Achonechy-Town. The Indian that put us in our 
Path, had been a Prisoner amongst the Sinnagers; but had out-run them, although 
they had cut his Toes, and half his Feet away, which is a Practice common amongst 
them. They first raise the skin, then cut away half the Feet, and so wrap the Skin 
over the Stumps, and make a present Cure of the Wounds. This commonly disables 
them from making their Escape, they being not so good Travellers as before, and the 
Impression of their Half-Feet making it easy to trace them. However, this Fellow 
was got clear of them, but had little Heart to go far from home, and carry 'd always a 
case of Pistols in his Girdle, besides a Cutlass, and a Fuzee. 

Notwithstanding they were "put in their path" by the Indian 
referred to, Lawson and his companion apparently traveled a hundred 
miles or more without a guide. During this time they had nothing 
to subsist on but parched corn, and probably passed over the neutral 
territory between the Catawbas and the Tuscaroras. Near the 
"town" of Achonechy, probably 120 miles from the country of the 
Keyauwees, they encountered "30 horses coming on the road with 
four or five men on other jades, driving them." These proved to be 
a smaU company of Englishmen from Virginia, who were going into 
the Carolinas to trade with the Indians, The leading man was named 
Massey, and he advised Lawson by all means "to strike down the 
country for Roanoke, and not think of Virginia because of the Sin- 
negars." He also persuaded them to call upon Enoe-WiU as they 
went to Adshusheer, "for that he would conduct them safe among 
the English," giving him the character of a very faithful Indian. 
About 3 o'clock they reached the town, and within two hours Enoe- 
Will came into the "King's" house, where they were staying. The 
next morning they set out with Enoe-Will "towards Adshusheer, 
leaving the Virginia path and striking more to the eastward for 
Roanoke." Lawson describes the journey to Adshusheer, where 
Enoe-WiU resided "as a sad stony way" which made him quite 
lame. Here the Indians brought them two "cocks" (chickens), 
which to my mind is conclusive evidence that these Indians had 
previously come in contact with the whites, as Indians in their native 
state, as a rule, are destitute of domestic animals, except the horse 
and dog. Lawson says of Enoe-WiU: 

Our guide and landlord, Enoe-Will, was of the best and most agreeable temper 
that ever I met with in an Indian, being always ready to serve the English, not out 
of gain, but real affection. 

The following day much rain fell and they stayed at the Indian town. 
The next morning they set out early and traveled about 10 miles, 



14 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

when they were stopped by the high water in the river. Lawson 
thought that they were on some tributary of the Cape Fear River, 
but on inquiry oi Enoe-WUl he learned that it was Enoe River and 
emptied into a place called "Enoe Bay," near his country, which he 
left when he was a boy; by which Lawson perceived that Will was 
one of the Corees and that the river they were waiting to cross was a 
branch of the Neuse River, This locates the Corees when Will was 
a boy -probably 50 or more years previously — on the coast near the 
mouth of the Neuse River, and for the first time the traveler learned 
that he was much farther north than he had supposed. 
On page 58, the author says: 

The next day, early, came two Tuskerora Indiana to the other side of the river, 
but could not get over. They talked much to us, but we understood them not. In 
the afternoon, Will came with the mare and had some discourse with them. They 
told him the English, to whom he was going, were very wicked people; and that they 
threatened the Indians for hunting on their plantations. 

This incident reveals the fact that the travelers were within or 
near the Tuscarora country, and that already friction existed between 
the Enghsh and the Tuscaroras. The author continues: 

Will had a slave, a Sissipahan Indian by nation, who killed us several turkeys and 
other game, on which we feasted. 

Showing the existence of Indian slavery among the Corees (or 
Schoccores, as Lawson sometimes called them) at this time. 

A short distance after crossing the branch of the Neuse River 
referred to, they halted for the night. The traveler carried an illus- 
trated Bible with him and as they lay in camp at this place Enoe-WUl 
asked to see the book. Lawson describes what took place as follows: 

My Guide Will desiring to see the Book that I had about me, I lent it him; and aa 
he soon found the Picture of King David, he asked me several Questions concerning 
the Book, and Picture, which I resolved him, and invited him to become a Christian. 
He made me a very sharp Reply, assuring me. That he loved the English extraordi- 
nary well, and did believe their Ways to be very good for those that had already 
practiced them, and had been brought up therein. But as for himself, he was too mucid 
in Years to think of a Change, esteeming it not proper for Old People to admit of 
such an Alteration. However, he told me. If I would take his son Jack, who waa 
then about 14 Years of Age, and teach him to talk in that Book, and make Paper 
speak, which they call our Way of Writing, he would wholly resign him to my Tuition; 
telling me, he waa of Opinion, I was very well affected to the Indians. 

This conversation between the traveler and his guide reveals 
several important thmgs: First, that Enoe-WUl must have been 
between 60 and 70 years old at this time, and that he was familiar 
with the fact that the Enghsh could "talk in a book" and "make 
paper speak," Couple this with the fact that the guide had an 
English name, "Will," which he probably assumed at the age of 
20 or 21, and the information previously given by him that he lived 
on Enoe Bay when he was a boy, leads quite certainly to the con- 
clusion that the Corees had come in contact with at least some 
portion of the lost colony. It must be remembered that when Will 
was a boy there were no English settlements on the east coast of 
North Carolina other than White's lost colony. 

A few days after the conversation between the traveler and his 
guide, quoted above, Lawson reached the plantation of his friend, 
Mr. Richard Smith, on "Pamptigouch River," "where being well 
received by the inhabitants, and pleased with the goodness of the 
country, we all resolved to continue." 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 15 

In the second part of his history, which the author designated 
"A description of North CaroHna," he speaks of the early settlement 
of the country and of the lost colony as follows: 

The first Discovery and Settlement of this Country was by the Procurement of Sir 
Walter Raleigh, in Conjunction with some publick-spirited Gentlemen of that Age, 
under the protection of Queen Elizabeth; for which Reason it was then named Vir- 
ginia, being begun on that Part called Ronoak Island, where the Ruins of a Fort are 
to be seen at this day, as well as some old English Coins which have been lately found; 
and a Brass-Gun, a Powder-Hom, and one small Quarter deck-Gun, made of Iron 
Staves, and hooped with the same metal; which Method of making Guns might very 
probably be made use of in those Days, for the Convenience of Infant-Colonies. 

A farther Confirmation of this we have from the Hatteras Indians, who either then 
lived on Ronoak-Island, or much frequented it. These tell us, that several of their 
ancestors were white People, and could talk in a Book, as we do ; the Truth of which 
is confirmed by gray Eyes being found frequently amongst these Indians, and no others. 
They value themselves extremely for their Affinity to the English, and are ready to 
do them all friendly Offices. It is probable, that this Settlement miscarried for want 
of timely Supplies from England; or thro' the Treachery of the Natives, for we may 
reasonably suppose that the English were forced to cohabit with them, for Relief and 
Conversation; and that in process of Time, they conformed themselves to the Manners 
of their Indian Relations. And thus we see how apt Humane Nature is to degenerate. 

I cannot forbear inserting here, a pleasant Story that passes for an uncontested 
Truth amongst the Inhabitants of this Place; which is, that the Ship which brought 
the first Colonies, does often appear amongst them, under Sail, in a gallant Posture, 
which they call Sir Walter Raleigh's Ship; And the truth of this has been affirmed 
to me, by Men of the best Credit in the Country. 

A second Settlement of this Country was made about fifty Years ago, in that part 
we now call Albemarl County, and chiefly in Chuwon Precinct, by several substantial 
Planters, from Virginia, and other Plantations. 

Lawson's history is regarded as the standard authority for the 
period it covers; I find it extensively quoted from by all subsequent 
historians ; and if his statements concerning the amalgamation of the 
lost colony with the Hatteras Indians is not true, the "mystery" of 
what became of White's colony can never be solved. But there are 
many facts and circumstances which confirm Lawson's record. 

"When White returned to Roanoke Island in 1590, in accordance 
with the secret understanding between himself and the colonists, he 
found the word "Croatoan" graven upon a tree comprising one of the 
door posts of the palisade; and above it he found no cross or sign of 
distress. This, to my mind, indicated that the colonists were not 
captured in warfare by the Indians, but went with them voluntarily 
to find a better location than Roanoke Island. If they went with 
the Hatteras Indians voluntarily, amalgamation with them was 
inevitable. 

I understand that when the act of the North Carolina Legislature 
designating them Croatans, was pubhcly read to the Indians, one 
aged Indian, a very inteUigent man, remarked that he had always 
heard his ancestors say that they were Hatteras Indians. Manteo 
was friendly to the English, and would undoubtedly do everything 
in his power to protect them. On page 234 of his history Lawson de- 
scribes the Hatteras Indians as consisting of one town residing on the 
Sand Banks, with 16 fighting men. The Hatteras Indians are de- 
scribed in the Hand Book of American Indians, Bureau of Ethnology 
(p. 537) as follows: 

Hatteras. — An Algonquian tribe living in 1701 on the sand banks about C. Hat- 
teras, N. C, E. of Pamlico Sound, and frequenting Roanoke Id. Their single village. 
Sandbanks, had then only about 80 inhabitants. They showed traces of white blood 
and claimed that some of their ancestors were white. They may have been identical 



16 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

with the Croatan Indians (q. v.), with whom Raleigh's colonists at Roanoke Id. are 
supposed to have taken refuge. 

The presence of gray eyes and fair skin among these people in Law- 
son's time can not be explained on any other hypothesis than that of 
amalgamation with the white race; and when Lawson wrote (1709) 
there was a tradition among the Hatteras Indians that their ancestors 
were white people " and could talk in a book" ; and that " they valued 
themselves extremely for their affinity to the Enghsh and were ready 
to do them all friendly offices." I have already referred to the fact 
that Enoe-Will, a Coree Indian, who had been raised on the coast, 
and who was probably nearly 70 years of age when he acted as Law- 
son's guide, knew that the English could "talk in a book" and as he 
further expressed it, "could make paper talk," indicating that he was 
familiar with the customs of the Enghsh. The Corees are described 
m the "Hand Book," Bulletin No. 30 (p. 349), as follows: 

Coree. — A tribe, possibly Algonquian, formerly occupying the peninsula S. of 
Neuse R., in Carteret and Craven Cos., N. C. They had been greatly reduced in a 
war with another tribe before 1696, and were descrilaed by Archdale as having been 
a bloody and barbarous people. Lawson refers to them as Coranine Indians, but in 
another place calls them Cannamox and gives them two villages in 1701 — Coranine 
and Raruta — with about 125 souls. They engaged in the Tuscarora war of 1711, and 
in 1715 the remnants of the Coree and Machapunga were assigned a tract on Matta- 
muskeet Lake, Hyde Co., N. C, where they lived in one viallge probably xmtil 
they became extinct. 

There is an abiding tradition among these people at the present time 
that their ancestors were the lost colony, amalgamated with some 
tribe of Indians. This tradition is supported by their looks, their 
complexion, color of skin, hair and eyes, by their manners, customs 
and habits, and by the fact that while they are, in part, of undoubted 
Indian origin, they have no Indian names and no Indian language — • 
not even a single word — and know nothing of Indian customs and 
habits. Speaking of the language of this people, Mr. McMiUan says: 

The language spoken is almost pure Anglo Saxon, a fact which we think affords 
corroborative evidence of their relation to the lost colony of White. Mon (Saxon) 
is used for man, father is pronounced " fayther," and a tradition is usually begun as 
follows : 

"Mon, my fayther told me that his faytlier told him, " etc. "Mension, " is used 
for measurement, "aks" for ask, "hit" for it, "hosen" for hose, "lovend" for loving, 
"housen" for houses. They Seem to have but two sounds for the letter "a, " one like 
short "o. " Many of the words in common use among them have long been obsolete 
in English-speakmg countries. 

Col. Fred A. Olds, a newspaper correspondent of Raleigh, says of 
their language: 

The language spoken by the Croatans is a very pure but quaint old Anglo-Saxon, 
and there are in daily use some 75 words which have come down from the great daya 
of Raleigh and his mighty mistress, Queen Elizabeth. These old Saxon words arrest 
attention instantly. For man they say "mon," pronounce father "feyther, " use 
"mension" for measurement, "ax" for ask, "hosen" for hose, "lovened" for loving, 
"wit" for knowledge, "housen" for houses; and many other words in daily use by 
them have for years been entirely obsolete in English-speaking countries. 

Just when the colonists and the Indians with whom they amalga- 
mated removed to the interior is not certainly known, but it is 
beheved to have been as early as 1650. At the coming of the first 
white settlers to what is now known as Robeson County, there was 
found located on the banks of the Lumber River a large tribe of In- 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 17 

dians, speaking the English language, tilling the soil, owning slaves, 
and practicing many of the arts of civilized life. McMillan says: 

They occupied the country as far west as the Pee Dee, but their principal seat was 
on the Lumber, extending along that river for 20 miles. They held their lands in 
common and land titles only became known on the approach of white men. The first 
grant of land to any of this tribe, of which there is written evidence in existence, was 
made by King George II in 1732, to Henry Berry and James Lowrie, two leading men 
of the tribe, and was located on the Lowrie Swamp, east of Lumber River in present 
county of Robeson in North Carolina. A subsequent grant was made to James Lowrie 
in 1738. According to tradition there were deeds of land of older date, described aa 
"White" deeds and "Smith" deeds, but no trace of their existence can be found at 
this date. 

And what is of greater significance, a very large number of the 
names appearing among the lost colony are to be found among the 
Croatan Indians, a fact inexpUcable upon any other hypothesis than 
that the lost colony amalgamated with the Indians. 

These names, common to both, are printed in itahcs in the McMillan 
booklet. (Exhibit C.) The present investigation discloses that the 
Indian names, Indian language, and Indian customs and habits 
perished, while the English names, English language, and English 
customs and habits prevailed. Mr. McMillan adds: 

The writer has been much interested in investigating the tradition prevalent among 
the Croatans and expresses his fijm conviction that they are descended from the 
friendly tribe found on our east coast in 1587, and also descended from the lost colonists 
of Roanoke, who amalgamated with this tribe. 

From the foregoing I have no hesitancy in expressing the belief 
that the Indians originally settled in Robeson and adjoining counties 
in North Carolina were an amalgamation of the Hatteras Indians 
with Gov. White's lost colony; the present Indians are their descend- 
ants with a further amalgamation with the early Scotch and Scotch- 
Irish settlers, such amalgamation continuing down to the present 
time, together with a small degree of amalgamation with other races. 

I do not find that the Hatteras Indians or the so-called Croatan 
Indians ever had any treaty relations with the United States, or that 
they have any tribal rights with any tribe or band of Indians; neither 
do I find that they have received any lands or that there are any 
moneys due them. 

CLAIM OF CHEROKEE ORIGIN. 

Since writing the foregoing, the office has received and referred to 
me a communication, dated September 7, 1914, from Mr. A. W. 
McLean, of Lumberton, N. C, the local representative of these 
Indians, concerning theh claim to Cherokee origin. Mr. McLean 
refers to a statement presented by him on February 14, 1913, to the 
House Committee on Indian Affairs, respecting the origin of these 
Indians, and asks that his communication be treated as supplemental 
to said statement. In the statement referred to Mr. McLean said in 
part: 

We are of the opinion that they were originally a part of the great Cherokee Tribe of 
Indians, which inhabited the western and central portions of Carolina before the 
advance of the white man. 

Indeed, Mr. McMillan, in his account before referred to, takes the position that they 
are of Cherokee descent, though we confess that we can not reconcile this contention 
with his main contention that they are descendants of Gov. White's or Sir Walter 
Kaleigh's lost colony. 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 2 



18 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Long before historians began to study the origin of these people they claimed to be 
of Cherokee descent. In fact, they have always claimed that they were originally 
a part of the Cherokee Tribe and that they gave up their tribal relation after they 
had participated with the white man in the war against the Tuscaroras. These Indi- 
ans had great roads or trails connecting their settlements with the principal seat of 
the Cherokee Tribe in the Allegheny Mountains. There is a well-authenticated 
tradition among them, handed down through several generations, that this small 
remnant after participating with the whites in the war against the Tuscaroras took up 
many of the habits and customs of the white man, and therefore refused to remove 
West with the great Cherokee Tribe. It is also certain that in this they were influ- 
enced by the admixture of Anglo-Saxon blood, which had taken place to some extent 
even in that remote period. 

In the communication Mr. McLean says: 

My opinion is, from a very exhaustive examination made before and after the 
hearing above mentioned, that these Indians are not only descendants of Sir Walter 
Raleigh's lost colony, as contended by Mr. Hamilton McMillan in his statement, a 
copy of which Mr. McPherson has in his possession, but that they are also mixed with 
the Cherokee Indians. In the first place, these Indians have contended from time 
immemorial that they were of Cherokee descent, and they further have had a tradi- 
tion among them that their ancestors, or some of them, came from "Roanoke and 
Virginia. " Roanoke and Virginia, of course, originally comprised all of eastern 
North Carolina, including Roanoke Island, the settlement of Sir Walter Raleigh's 
lost colony. 

(For the full text of Mr. McLean's statement and communication 
see Exhibit F.) 

The history and traditions of the Cherokee Indians of North Caro- 
lina, in my judgment, do not confirm the claim of the Robeson 
County Indians to Cherokee origin. The Cherokces were the moun- 
taineers of the South, originally holding the entire Appalachian 
region from the headwaters of the Kanawha on the north to middle 
Georgia on the south. Their principal towns were upon the head- 
waters of the Savannah, Hiwassee, and Tuckasegee Rivers, and along 
the entire length of the Little Tennessee to its junction with the 
main stream. As far as I can learn, there is no tradition that they 
ever occupied the coast country in North Carolina or elsewhere. 
Indeed, interposed between the Cherokees and the coast were three 
or four powerful tribes with which they were in perpetual warfare. 
On the east and southeast the Tuscaroras and Catawbas were their 
inveterate enemies, with hardly even a momentary truce within 
historic times, and evidence is not wanting that the Sara or Cheraw 
were originally their deadly enemies. Had inclination led them 
toward the coast in the time of the earliest colonization they would 
probably have been driven back by other hostile tribes. In the 
Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (p. 21), 
speaking of the early location of the Cherokees, it is stated: 

From a careful sifting of the evidence, Haywood concludes that the authors of the 
most ancient remains in Tennessee had spread over that region from the south and 
southwest at a very early period, but that the latter occupants, the Cherokee, had 
entered it from the north and northeast in comparatively recent times, overrunning 
and exterminating the aborigines. He declares that the historical fact seems to be 
established that the Cherokee entered the country from Virginia, making temporary 
settlements upon New River and the upper Holston until, under the continued 
hostile pressure from the north, they were again forced to remove farther to the south, 
fixing themselves upon Hie Little Tennessee, in what afterwards became known aa 
the middle towns. By a leading mixed blood of the tribe he was informed that they 
had made their first settlements within their modem home territory upon Nolichucky 
River, and that, having lived there for a long period, they could give no definite 
account of an earlier location. Echota, their capital and peace town, "claimed to be 
the eldest brother in the nation," and the claim was generally acknowledged. In 
confirmation of the staten.ent as to an early occupancy of the upper Holston region, 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 19 

it may be noted that "Watauga Old Fields," now Elizabeth ton, were so called from 
the fact that when the first white settlement within the present State of Tennessee was 
begun there, so early as 1769, the bottom lands were found to contain graves and other 
numerous ancient remains of a former Indian town which tradition ascribed to the 
Cherokee, whose nearest settlements were then many miles to the soutiiward. 

In this historical statement there is no tradition that the Cherokees 
had ever occupied any portion of the coast country. 

The strongest and most persistent tradition of the Robeson County 
Indians is that their ancestors were a part of the "lost colony"; and 
it seems most probable that the lost colony, if amalgamated with any 
Indian tribe (which seems historically certain), amalgamated with a 
coast tribe and not with a "mountain tribe" residing 300 miles to 
the westward, between whom and the coast settlements three or 
four hostile tribes were interposed. In this connection it should not 
be overlooked that at the time of the earliest attempts at coloniza- 
tion, a xd at the time of the great Tuscarora War, the Coree and Hat- 
teras Indians, who resided on the coast, were firm allies of the Tus- 
caroras; in fact, they could not have maintained their position on 
the coast as against the tribes farther west and southwest except 
through a firm alliance with the stronger Tuscaroras. 

The first definite history of the Cherokees begins with the year 
1540, at which date they were firmly established where they have 
always afterwards been known to reside, namely, in the mountain 
section of the Carolinas and Georgia. The earliest Spanish adven- 
turers failed to penetrate so far into the interior, and the earliest 
entry into their country was made by the intrepid De Soto, who 
advanced into the interior in May, 1540, by way of the Savannah 
River, in his fruitless quest for gold. There is no record of a second 
attempt to penetrate the Cherokee country for 26 years. In 1561 
the Spaniards took formal possession of the Bay of Santa Elena, 
now St. Helena, near Port Royal, on the coast of South Carolina. 
The next year the French made an unsuccessful attempt at settlement 
at the same place, and in 1566 Menendez made the Spanish occupancy 
sure by establishing there a fort which he called San Felipe. In 
November of that year Capt. Juan Pardo was sent with a party 
from the fort to explore the interior and probably penetrated into 
the Cherokee country, but on account of the deep snow in the moun- 
tains he did not think it advisable to go farther, and so returned. 
The following summer Capt. Pardo left Fort Santa Elena with a 
small detachment of troops and penetrated the Cherokee country, 
but the trip was fruitless of important results, and he returned, 
having discovered nothing more valuable than some mica mines. 

It was at about this time that the Catawbas, residing east of the 
Cherokees, were at the height of their power and influence, and for 
nearly a hundred years they were engaged in petty warfare with the 
northern Iroquoian tribes, particularly with the Cherokees. During 
this period the Catawbas stood as a barrier between the Cherokees 
and the coast. 

Not until 1654 did the English come in contact with the Cherokees, 
called in the records of that period Rechahecrians, probably a corrup- 
tion of Rickahockans, apparently the name by which they were then 
known to the Powhatan Tribe in Virginia. In this year the Virginia 
colony, which had recently concluded an exterminating war with 
the Powhatans, was alarmed at the news of the approach of a large 
body of Rechahecrian Indians who had invaded the country and 



20 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

established themselves at the falls of the James River. On page 30 
of the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology it is 
stated: 

In 1670 the German traveler, John Lederer, went from the falls of James River to 
the Catawba country in South Carolina, following for most of the distance the path 
used by the Virginia traders, who already had regular dealings with the southern 
tribes, including probably the Cherokee. He speaks in several places of the Ricka- 
hockan, which seems to be a more correct form than Rechahecrian, and his narrative 
and the accompanying map put them in the mountains of North Carolina, back of the 
Catawba and the Sara and southward from the head of Roanoke River. They were 
apparently on hostile terms with the tribes to the eastward, and while the traveler 
was stopping at an Indian village on Dan River, about the present Clarksville, Va., a 
delegation of Rickahockan, which had come on tribal business, was barbarously mur- 
dered at a dance prepared on the night of their arrival by their treacherous hosts. On 
reaching the Catawba country he heard of white men to the southward, and inci- 
dentally mentions that the neighboring mountains were called tho Suala Mountains by 
the Spaniards. In the next year, 1671, a party from Virginia, under Thomas Batts, 
explored the northern branch of Roanoke River and crossed ©ver the Blue Ridge to 
the headwaters of New River, where they found trace of occupancy, but no Indians. 
By this time all the tribes of this section, east of the mountains, were in possession of 
firearms. 

This reveals the fact that the Cherokees in the earUer part of their 
known history were on hostile terms with the tribes to the eastward, 
which, as before stated, included the powerful and warhke tribe of 
the Tuscaroras. The Catawbas were in immediate contact with the 
Cherokees on the south and east, but the Tuscaroras also stood as 
an impassable barrier between them and the coast. To the south 
of the Tuscoraras were the Sara or Cheraws, who in the earhest 
historical periods were also hostile to the Cherokees. 

On page 38 of the ethnological report above referred to it is stated: 

Throughout the eighteenth century the Cherokees were engaged in chronic warfare 
with their Indian neighbors. As these quarrels concerned the whites but little, 
however momentous they may have been to the principals, we have but few details. 
The war with the Tuscarora continued until the outbreak of the latter tribe against 
Carolina in 1711 gave opportunity to the Cherokee to cooperate in striking the blow 
which drove the Tuscarora from their ancient homes to seek refuge in the north. 
The Cherokee then turned their attention to the Shawano on the Cumberland, and 
with the aid of the Chickasaw finally expelled them from that region about the year 
1715. Inroads upon the Catawba were probably kept up until the latter had become 
so far reduced by war and disease as to be mere dependent pensioners upon the whites. 
The former friendship with the Chickasaw was at last broken through the overbearing 
conduct of the Cherokee, and a war followed of which we find incidental notice in 
1757, and which terminated in a decisive victory for the Chickasaw about 1768. The 
bitter war with the Iroquois of the far north continued, in spite of all the efforts of 
the colonial governments, until a formal treaty of peace was brought about by the 
efforts of Sir William Johnson (12) in the same year. 

(For the full text of the history of the Cherokees as given in said 
report, see Exhibit G.) 

Until after the exterminating war with the Tuscaroras in 1711- 
1713, it seems quite impossible that the Cherokees could have gotten 
to the coast of the Carolinas; but this was 124 years after the planting 
of the EngMsh colony on Roanoke Island by Gov. White. 

As mentioned by Mr. McLean, it is quite probable that a small 
number of the Cherokees were allied with the whites, the Cher aw, 
and Catawba Indians against the Tuscaroras, for assertion to this 
effect is made by WilUamson, Gregg and Mooney; but in a report 
of his Indian allies, made by Col. Barnwell himself, at Fort Narhantes 
(the stronghold of the Tuscaroras) on February 4, 1712, he does 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 21 

not mention the Cherokees. I quote from the Handbook of Ameri- 
can Indians, page 845: 

In a letter dated at Narhantes Fort, February 4, 1712, Col. Barnwell gives a list 
of the various tribes of southern Indians who composeu hia motley army^ In his 
own spelling these were: The Amasses, Hog Logees, Apalatchees, Corsaboy, Watterees, 
Sagarees, Catawbas, Suterees, Waxams, Congarees, Sattees, Pedees, Weneawa, Cape 
Feare, Hoopengs, "Wareperees, Saraws, and Saxapah'aws. Fort Narhantes, according 
to Barnwell, was the largest and most warlike town of the Tuscarora. 

When the Tuscaroras were first visited by Lawson they possessed 
the country lying between the coast of North Carohna and the foot- 
hills, having 16 towns and about 1,200 warriors. (For their history, 
their alhance with the small coast tribes, their struggles with other 
tribes, the Tuscarora War, etc., see Exhibit H.) 

After the close of the Tuscarora War it is possible that a few of 
the Cherokee Indians taking part therein remained in what is now 
Robeson County and amalgamated with the Indians then residing 
there; but it must be remembered that when the fu-st Scotch settlers 
located in that section of country they found seated on the Lumber 
River and its tributaries a tribe of Indians speaking English, tiUing 
the soil like white men, owning slaves, and practicing many of the 
arts of civihzed life. This could not have been the Cherokees, for 
there is no tradition among them that they ever spoke the EngHsh 
language; but it does constitute one of the strongest hnks in the 
chain of evidence that this ''Indian tribe" were the descendants 
of the ''lost colony" which by force of necessity had become amalga- 
mated with one of the coast tribes. While I say it is possible that 
some of the Cherokees who took part in the Tuscarora War may 
have remained in the east and amalgamated with the coast tribes, 
including the so-called Croatans in Robeson County, it is much 
more probable that they induced individual members of these tribes 
to migrate west vdth them, for it is a matter of history that the 
remnants of some of these small coast tribes did migrate west and 
became absorbed in the larger tribes, and in this way lost their 
identity. To my mind it is much more probable that some of the 
Croatans went west and became absorbed by the Cherokees than 
that a few Cherokees remained east and became absorbed by the 
Croatans. It is not unhkely that in this way the ancestors of the 
John Lowrie who signed the Cherokee treaty of 1806 may have 
been connected with the Croatans, but emigrated west after the 
Tuscarora War. But the circumstance of the similarity of names 
between the signer of the treaty of 1806 and one of the leading 
famihes of the Croatans would carry httle weight as estabhshing 
identity between the two, for among the Cherokees in 1806 were a 
number of English and Scotch names, and a few of French origin; 
and the name Lowrie or Lowrey was then, as it is now, a very com- 
mon Enghsh name, and might appear in several of the Indian tribes. 
The mere "tradition" that the two famihes were related, in the 
absence of record evidence to this effect, could have but httle weight 
for, as explained in the earher part of this report, the Indians are 
a people of traditions and in the absence of record evidence are 
content to accept tradition as fact. 

The tradition obtained by Gregg from Wilham H. Thomas that the 
Cherokees originally occupied the territoiy assigned to the Catawbas, 
and that there was a sanguinary battle between them, lasting from 



22 INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 

morning until night, resulting in frightful losses on both sides, as a 
result of which an agreement was entered into between them by the 
terms of which the Catawbas were to occupy the country formerly 
occupied by the Cherokees and the Cherokees were to remove farther 
west into the mountains, does not seem to be substantiated by the 
reports of the Ethnological Bureau. For the first chapter in Gregg's 
History of the Old Cheraws, in which he relates this tradition and 
gives the origin of the names of certain rivers in South Carolina, see 
Exhibit I. The map included in the narrative (p. 197) taken from 
map in Volume I, Transactions of American Ethnological Society, no 
doubt shows correctly the relative locations of the several tribes occu- 
pying the territory of the Carolinas when the earliest explorations 
were made by the whites. Reference is particularly made to this 
map for such locations. 

The Catawbas were the most important ot the Eastern Siouan 
tribes, and doubtless had a number of conflicts with the Cherokees, 
but the Cherokees were essentially mountaineers, and held dominion 
over the Appalachian Chain from the headwaters of the Kanawha 
to central Georgia. The Cherokees were of Iroquoian stock while 
the Catawbas were of Siouan stock, and racial differences may have 
had something to do with their petty confhcts. The principal vil- 
lages of the Catawbas were formerly on the west bank of the river, in 
what is now York County, S. C, opposite the mouth of Sugar Creek. 
I quote from the Hand Book of American Indians, pages 213 and 214: 

Further investigations by Hale, Gatschet, Mooney, and Dorsey proved that several 
other tribes of the same region were also of Siouan stock, while the linguistic forms and 
traditional evidence all point to this E. region as the original home of the Siouan 
tribes. The alleged tradition which brings the Catawba from the N., as refugees from 
the French and their Indian allies about the year 1660 does not agree in any of its main 
points with the known facts of history, and if genuine at all, refers rather to some local 
incident than to a tribal movement. It is well known that the Catawba were in a 
chronic state of warfare with the northern tribes, whose raiding parties they sometimes 
followed, even across the Ohio. 

The first notice of the Catawba seems to be that of Vandera in 1579, who calls them 
Issa in his narrative of Pardo's expedition. Nearly a century later, in 1670, they are 
mentioned as Ushery by Lederer, who claims to have visited them, but this is doubtful. 

Lawson, who passed through their territory in 1701, speaks of them as a "powerful 
nation" and states that their villages were very thick. He calls the two divisions, 
which were living a short distance apart, by different names, one the Kadapau and the 
other the Esaw, unaware of the fact that the two were synonyms. From all accounts 
they were formerly the most populous and most important tribe in the Carolinas, 
excepting the Cherokee. 

(For the fuU text of the history of the Catawbas as given in the 
Hand Book, see Exhibit J.) 

Referring to the origin of certain names, as mentioned by Gregg, 
it is stated in the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology that the word "Cherokee" has no meaning in the Cherokee 
language, and seems to be of foreign origin. As used among them- 
selves the form is Tsa-lagi or Tsa-ragi. It first appears as Chalaque 
in the Portuguese narrative of De Soto's expedition, published origin- 
ally in 1557. There is evidence that it is taken from the Choctaw 
word Choluk or Chiluk, signifying a pit or cave, derived from the 
Mobilian trade language, a corrupted Choctaw jargon formerly used 
as a medium of communication among all the tribes of the Gulf 
States. As given by Gatschet, the Catawba name for the Cherokees 
was Manteran, meaning ''coming out of the ground," which is nearly 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 23 

equivalent to the meaning contained in the Choctaw word. The 
report adds: 

Adair's attempt to connect the name Cherokee with their word for fire, atsila, is an 
error, founded upon imperfect knowledge of the language. 

(See Exhibit G, pp. 133 to 179.) 

The word "Santee" (the name of an eastern Siouan tribe) is from 
the Sioux or Dakota word "insanyati," meaning Knife Lake. 
• The word "Wateree" (also the name of an eastern Siouan tribe) is 
probably from the Catawba word "wateran," meaning to float on the 
water, 

Congaree is the name of a small eastern Siouan Tribe and the word 
is probably of Siouan origin; and Pedee is hkewise the name of a 
small Siouan tribe and the word is thought to be of Siouan origin. 
While the word "Lumbee" is not found in the Hand Book (the Lum- 
ber River was anciently called the Lumbee) it is probably of the 
same origin. The "Lumbee" River is a branch of the Pedee and the 
similarity of the names would suggest the same origin. All these 
small Siouan tribes were originally parts of or confederated with the 
Cheraws, and about 1739, with the Cheraws, became incorporated 
with the Catawbas. For a complete history of aU these small tribes, 
see Hand Book of American Indians. 

The Cheraws are of Siouan stock, and originally ranged from south- 
em Virginia to the Cape Fear River in South Carohna, their principal 
seat being near the town of Cheraw, S. C, which takes its name from 
them. In numbers they probably stood next to the Tuscaroras, but 
are much less prominent m history because of their almost complete 
destruction by the time the white settlements reached them. They 
were first visited by De Soto in 1540 and later by Lederer and Lawson. 
They were undoubtedly known to the Cherokees in very early times for 
they ranged over a part of the territory originally claimed by the 
Cherokees, but I find no authentic history that they were ever a part 
of the Cherokees- or even alhed with them. It is much more probable 
th^t they had numerous conflicts with the Cherokees in early times as 
they ranged over their territory and were continually harassed by the 
Iroquoian tribes. The Cherokees are of Iroquoian stock, while 
ethnologists claim that the Cheraws were of Siouan stock, and on 
account of this racial difference and difference in language, there is 
no reasonable probability that an alhance ever existed between them. 
The Cheraws were continually harassed by the Iroquoian tribes, and 
about 1710 were compelled to remove farther southeast and joined 
the Keyauwee, a small Siouan tribe. Being still subject to attacks 
by the Iroquois, between 1726 and 1739, they became incorporated 
with the Catawbas. The last historical notice of them was in 1768, 
when their remnant, reduced by war and disease, were still hving with 
the Catawbas. The final absorption of the Cheraws by the Catawbas 
seems to refute the claim that the Cheraws were a branch of the 
Cherokee Tribe. It is not improbable, however, that there was some 
degree of amalgamation between the Indians residing on the Lumber 
River and the Cheraws, who were their nearest neighbors. 

(For a fuU history of the Cheraws and Cherokees, as given in the 
Hand Book of American Indians, see Exhibit K.) 



24 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 



THEIR PRESENT CONDITION. 

It is not altogether easy to describe the exact condition of these 
Indians. They are essentially a farming people, living almost 
exclusively in the country, and in many respects their condition is 
identical with that of their white neighbors among whom they live. 
A much less proportion of the heads of families, however, are land- 
owners than among the whites, which means a much less degree of 
prosperity. It is conservatively estimated that not more than one- 
quarter of the heads of families are landowners, the holdings fre- 
quently amounting to only 4 or 5 acres; it follows that the great 
majority of them are renters. But in the communities where their 
land holdings are equal to that of the whites they give evidences of 
equal prosperity, and as I went thi'ough such settlements, from farm 
to farm, it was impossible for me to tell from outward appearance 
whether I was passmg the farm of an Indian or that of a white man. 
One of these Indians is the owner of 500 acres of land; two or three 
others own about 300 acres each, and lesser amounts are owned by a 
considerable number. These men would be classed as prosperous 
farmers in any community. But it must be understood that most of 
the land in Robeson County is very level and a considerable propor- 
tion is included in swamps and lowlands. The tillable land of the 
county, however, would oe classed as fertile bottom land, readily 
susceptible of raising large crops of cotton, tobacco, and corn. 

Among the small landowners and renters a lesser degree of pros- 
perity prevails, and among very many families there is much poverty 
and wretchedness. Many of the very old people who are unable to 
care for themselves are extremely needy and should be sent to the 
Home for the Aged and Infirm of Robeson County. It may be said 
of the entire body of Indians that they speak only the Enghsh lan- 
guage; that they are good farmers and cultivate their lands equally 
as well as the whites; that they are entirely self-supporting and 
self-rehant; that many of them live in substantial houses; and that 
all of them practice the arts and habits of civilized life. In these 
respects they are different from most of the Indian tribes. 

The following statement of property owned by these Indians was 
furnished me by the State auditor: 

Answering yoUr letter of July 24, which you handed me this date, I give you the 
following information, taken from the records of this department: 



EOBESON COtTNTY. 

Number of Indian polls 

Value of property listed for taxation 

SCOTLAND COUNTY 

Number Indian polls 

Value of property listed for taxation 

HOKE COTTNTY. 

Number of Indian poUs 

Value of property listed for taxation 




44 

$5,689 



28 
$4,463 



The records on file in thii^ department from Cumberland, Bladen, and Columbus 
Counties do not show any Indian polls. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 25 



EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES. 



Prior to 1835 the adult male Croatans exercised the right of fran- 
chise in North Carolina, and it seemed to be the current tradition 
that at least a few of the children attended the white schools, wherever 
schools for the whites had been estabhshed in Indian settlements; 
but for the most part they were compelled to attend "subscription" 
schools organized and conducted by themselves. By clause 3 of 
section 3 of the amendments to the constitution of 1835, the Croatans 
lost the right of franchise, and from that date until the adoption of 
the constitution of 1868 they were regarded and treated as "free 
persons of color" — which practically meant free negroes — and during 
this period they were not permitted to attend the schools for whites; 
there were practically no educational facilities open to the Indians 
at this time. There were doubtless some subscription schools, but 
they must have been of the poorest sort. 

Between 1868 and 1885 efforts wore made to compel the Indians 
to attend the negro schools, but they persistently refused to do this, 
preferring to grow up in ignorance rather than attend the colored 
schools. It would be more accurate to say that parents would not 
permit their children to attend the negro schools, preferring rather 
that they should grow up in total ignorance. The children raised 
to manhood and womanhood during this period are the most densely 
ignorant of any of these people. 

Up to 1885 these people had been without name or designation, 
but through the efforts of Hon. Hamilton McMillan, by an act of the 
General Assembly of North Carolina of February lo, 1885, they 
were designated "Croatan Indians," and by the same act they were 
granted separate schools for their children, school committees of their 
own race and color, and were allowed to select teachers of their own 
choice, subject to the same rules and regulations applicable to all 
teachers under the general school laws. By section 2 of the act the 
county board of education was directed to see that the act was car- 
ried into effect, and to proceed to establish suitable school districts as 
shall be necessary for their convenience, and to do all necessary 
things to carry the act into effect. Under this act the number of 
free pubhc schools has increased to such an extent as to fairly meet 
the needs of the Indians. I heard no complaint on account of their 
district schools. Their teachers are selected by their own school 
committees, and as a rule are of their own race. Practically all their 
teachers have attended their normal school. 

Mr. J. R. Pool, the county superintendent of school for Robeson 
County, furnished me with the school statistics of the Indians for the 
school years 1912-13 and 1913-14. I glean the following facts from 
his statement: 

Scholastic year 1912-13. 

Census (6 to 21 years of age) 2, 643 

Enrollment (6 to 21) 1,662 

Average daily attendance 970 

Number of schools 27 

Number of teachers (male 21, female 11) 32 

Number of districts 27 

Value of school buildings $7, 900 

Average length of term days. . 85. 7 

Average, special-tax districts do IIL 43 



26 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

Expended for repairs $500 

Teachers' salaries $5, 475. 25 

Scholastic year 1913-14- 

Census (6 to 21 years of age) 2, 948 

Enrollment (6 to 21) 1,854 

Average daily attendance 1, 164 

Number of schools 27 

Number of teachers _. 36 

For repairs and new buildings $1, 160 

Total value school buildings $9, 060 

Average length of term (all schools) days.. 102. 66 

Average in special tax exhibits do 104 

Teachers' salaries $6, 410. 25 

(See Exhibit M.) 

NORMAL SCHOOL. 

The act of the General Assembly of North Carolina, ratified March 
7, 1887, provided for a normal school for the Indians of Robeson 
County. Four Indian trustees were appointed and were given full 
power to select three additional trustees, to rent or acquire suitable 
buildings, to appoint teachers, and to do all necessary things to inau- 
gurate a normal school. The sum of S500 was appropriated annually 
for two years for the support of the school. The school was at first 
located near Pates in a building formerly used for district school 
purposes, but after the destruction of this building by fire it was 
removed to the town of Pembroke, where a much larger building was 
erected, consisting of four rooms. 

By the act of the general assembly of March 8, 1911, the board of 
trustees of the normal school was empowered to convey by deed the 
title to all the property of said school to the State board of education. 
Section 2 of the act authorized the State board of education to 
appoint seven members of the Indian race to constitute the board 
of trustees for the school. The appropriation for the school has been 
increased from time to tune, the present appropriation being at the 
rate of $2,750 per annum. I have no statistics as to the enrollment 
and attendance at the school, but I understand that it has always 
been maintamed to the exhaustion of the appropriation, and that 
it has contributed greatly to the educational advantages of these 
people in the preparation of teachers for their district schools. 

LEGISLATION BY THE STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Prior to the adoption of certain amendments to the constitution 
on the second Monday of November, 1835, the Croatan Indians voted 
and otherwise enjoyed all the rights and privileges of the elective 
franchise for State officials; but clause 3 of section 3 of the amend- 
ments adopted on said date provided that no free negro, free mulatto, 
or free person of mixed blood, descended from negro ancestors to the 
fourth generation, inclusive (though one ancestor of each generation 
may have been a white person) shall vote for members of the senate 
or house of commons. (See Exhibit Ll.) Under this clause they 
were subsequently denied the right of franchise. 

Section 7, chapter 68, of the acts of the general assembly of 1854, 
provides that all marriages since the 8th day of January, 1839, and 
all marriages in the future between a white person and a free negro, 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 27 

or free person of color, to the third generation, shall be void. It was 
held that the term "or free person of color" applied to the Croatans; 
but, notwithstanding this prohibition, I understand that occasional 
marriages between the Indians and white persons occurred. I was 
unable to ascertain whether or not any such marriages had been 
declared void. (See Exhibit L2.) 

An amendment to the constitution of North Carolina in 1857 
provides that every free white man of the age of 21 years, being a 
native or naturalized citizen of the United States, and who has been 
an inhabitant of the State for 12 months immediately preceding 
the day of any election, and shall have paid public taxes, shall be 
entitled to vote for a member of the senate for the district in which 
he resides. (See Exhibit L3.) 

Section 1 of article 6 of the constitution of 1868 provides that 
every male person born in the United States, and every male person 
who has been naturalized, 21 years of age, and possessing the quali- 
fications set out in said article, shall be entitled to vote at any election 
by the people in the State except as therein otherwise provided. 
After the adoption of the constitution of 1868 the right of franchise 
was restored to the Croatans. ^^ 

The amendment of 1902 to section 4 of article 6 of the constitution 

of 1868 reads: 

Every male person born in the United States, and every male person who has been 
naturalized, 21 years of age and possessing the qiialifications set out in this article, 
shall be entitled to vote at any election by the people in the State except as herein 
otherwise provided. 

******* 

Sec. 4. Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able to read and 
write any section of the constitution in the English language; and before he shall be 
entitled to vote he shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of Hay of the year in which 
he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous year as prescribed by article 5, section 
1, of the constitution. B\it no male person who was on January- 1, 1867, or at any time 
prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws of any State in the United States wherein 
he then resided, and no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the 
right to register and vote at any election in this State by reason of his failure to possess 
the educational qualifications herein prescribed: Provided, He shall have registered 
in accordance with the terms of this section prior to December 1, 1908. The general 
assembly shall pro\ide for the registration of all persons entitled to vote ■without the 
educational qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before November 1, 
1908, provide for the making of a permanent record of such registration, and all persons 
80 registered shall forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by the 
people in this State unless disqualified under section 2 of this article: Provided, 
Such person shall have paid his poll tax as above required. 

(See Exhibit L4.) 

This section is what is known as the "grandfather clause" of the 
constitution of North Carolina, which denies the right of franchise 
to those who are not able to read and write any section of the con- 
stitution in the English language; but this clause is held not to apply 
to the Indians of Eobeson County for the reason that they, or their 
ancestors, prior to 1867, or at a time prior to said date, were entitled 
to vote under the laws of the State. The Indians, of course, must pay 
their poll tax and must comply with the registration provisions. 

In the case of the State v. Manuel (20 N. C, 144) Justice Gaston held : 

Upon the Revolution no other change took place in the laws of North Carolina than 
was consequent upon the transition from a colony dependent upon a European king 
to a free and sovereign State. Slaves remained slaves. British subjects in North 
Carolina became North Carolina freemen. Foreigners, until made members (citi- 
zens) of the State, continued aliens. Slaves manumitted here became freemen, and 



28 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

therefore if born within North Carolina are citizens of North Carolina; and all free 
persons bom within the State are bom citizens of the State. 

(See Exhibit L5.) 

Under this decision, which was subsequent to the constitution of 
1835, which deprived free negroes and free mulattoes of the right to 
vote, "free persons of color" (the Croatan Indians) were not included, 
and it seems that they should not have been denied the right of 
suffrage. 

Section 1 of chapter 51, laws of 1885, provides that the Indians 
of Robeson County and their descendants shall hereafter "be 
designated and known as the Croatan Indians." It should be noted 
that the act does not declare that they are Croatan Indians, but 
merely designates or names them Croatans, by which name they shall 
thereafter be known. 

Section 2 of the act provides that said Indians and their descendants 
shall have separate schools for their children, school committees of 
their own race and color, and shall be allowed to select teachers of 
their own choice, subject to the same rules and regulations that are 
appUcable under the general school law. The remaining sections of 
the act provide for putting the schools into operation under the 
general laws applicable to free schools within the State. (See Exhibit 
L5|.) Prior to this enactment the Indians had no separate schools 
for the education of their children. Efforts had been made to com- 
pel them to attend the schools established for the negro population, 
but they steadfastly resisted such efforts and absolutely decHned 
to attend the colored schools. The statistics respecting the number 
of schools, number of children of school age, attendance, etc., will be 
found under a separate heading. 

Section 1, chapter 400 of the laws of 1887, provides that W. L. 
Moore, James Oxendine, James Dial, Preston Locklear, and others 
who may be associated with them shall constitute a body pohtic 
and corporate for educational purposes in the county of Robeson, 
under the name and style of the "Trustees of the Croatan Normal 
School"; that they shall have perpetual succession with the right 
to sue and be sued, etc. The other sections of the act provide for 
putting the said normal school into operation, and section 7 appro- 
priates S500 annually for the period of two years for the support of 
the school. This appropriation has been increased from time to 
time, the present appropriation for the support of the school being 
$2,750. (See Exhibit L6.) The purpose of the normal school is to 
prepare persons as teachers for their public schools, and I understand 
that practically all the teachers in their district schools have attended 
the normal school. 

Section 1, chapter 254 of the laws of 1887, amends section 1810 
of the Code of North Carolina by adding thereto the words: 

That all marriages between an Indian and a negro or between an Indian and a 
person of negro descent to the third generation, inclusive, shall be utterly void: 
Provided, That the act shall apply only to the Croatan Indians. 

(See Exhibit L7.) 

Section 1, chapter 458 of the laws of 1889, provides that the Croatan 
Indians of Richmond County and their descendants shall be entitled 
to the same school privileges and benefits as are the Croatan Indians 
of Robeson County. (See Exhibit L8.) 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 29 

Section 1, chapter 60 of the laws of 1889, amends section 2 of the 
laws of 1885 by adding after the word "law," in the last line of said 
section, the words: 

And there shall be excluded from such separate schools for the said Croatan Indiana 
all children of the negro race to the fourth generation. 

(See Exhibit L9.) 

Section 1, chapter 536 of the laws of 1897, provides for the ex- 
penditure of an unexpended balance of $281.25, being the unexpended 
appropriation of 1895 for the support of the Croatan Normal School, 
(See Exhibit LlO.) 

Section 1, chapter 168 of the laws of 1911, authorizes the trustees 
of the Croatan Normal School to convey the property by deed to the 
State board of education, and authorizes said board to accept the 
same. Section 2 authorizes the State board of education to appoint 
seven members of the Indian race, formerly known as Croatans, to 
constitute a board of trustees for said school, and the remaining 
sections provide that such board of trustees and their successors 
shall manage and control the affairs of the Croatan Normal School. 
(See Exhibit Lll.) 

Section 1, chapter 215 of the laws of 1911, provides that chapter 
51 of the pubhc laws of North CaroUna, session of 1885, be amended 
by striking out the words "Croatan Indians" wherever the same 
occur in said chapter and inserting in heu thereof the words "Indians 
of Robeson County." Section 2 provides that in all laws enacted 
by the General Assembly of North Carolina relating to said Indians 
subsequent to the enactment of said chapter 51 of the laws of 1885 
the words "Croatan Indians" shall be stricken out and the words 
"Indians of Robeson County" shall be inserted in lieu thereof. 
Section 3 provides that the said Indians residing in Robeson and 
adjoining counties, who have heretofore been known as Croatan 
Indians, together with their descendents, shall hereafter be laiown 
and designated as "Indians of Robeson County," and by that name 
shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges conferred by any of 
the laws of North CaroUna upon the Indians heretofore known as 
Croatan Indians. Section 4 provides that the school situated near 
the town of Pembroke, in Robeson County, known as the Croatan 
Indian Normal School, shall hereafter be known and designated as 
"The Indian Normal School of Robeson County," and under that 
name shall be entitled to all the privileges and powers heretofore 
conferred by law upon said school. 

Section 5 of the act takes up a new line of legislation and provides 
that the board of directors of the State hospital for the insane at 
Raleigh be authorized and directed to provide and set apart at said 
hospital, as soon after the passage of the act as practicable, suitable 
apartments and wards for the accommodation of any of said Indians 
01 Robeson County who may be entitled under the laws relating to 
insane persons to be admitted to said hospital. 

Section 6 authorizes and directs the sheriff, jailor, or other proper 
authorities of Robeson County to provide in the common jail of the 
county and in the Home for the Aged and Infirm of Robeson County 
separate cells, wards, or apartments for the said Indians in all cases 
where it shall be necessary under the laws of the State to commit 
any of said Indians to the jail or to the County Home for the Aged 
and Infirm. (See Exhibit L12.) 



30 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

Section 1, chapter 123, of the laws of 1913, provides that chapter 
215 of the public laws of North Carolina, session of 1911, be amended 
by striking out in the last line of section 1 of said act the words 
"Indians of Robeson County," and inserting in lieu thereof the words 
"Cherokee Indians of Robeson County"; that is to say, the designa- 
tion of said Indians was changed from "Indians of Robeson County" 
to "Cherokee Indians of Robeson County." The other sections of 
the act make provision for the corresponding change in the designation 
of said Indians wherever the designation ' ' Indians of Robeson County " 
occurs in the laws of the State. (See Exhibit Ll3.) 

Section 1, chapter 199, of the laws of 1913, enacted March 12, 1913, 
provides for an appropriation of $500 in addition to the $2,500 
already appropriated for the support of the normal school for said 
Indians, for the years 1913 and 1914, (See Exhibit Ll4.) 

THEIR NEEDS. 

As already indicated, a considerable number of these Indians, 
probably rather less than one-eighth, are prosperous farmers; another 
group, amounting approximately to one-eighth, are fairly well-to-do; 
about one-half of them would be classed as poor people, and about 
one-quarter of them as very poor, but entirely self-supporting. This 
classification relates to the families, considered as a unit. The fami- 
lies, as a rule, are very large, and the children under 18 years of age 
greatly outnumber the adults. Any financial assistance extended 
to the poorer classes, in the way of furnishing them with lands and 
with means to properly cultivate their lands, would be of great benefit 
to them and would undoubtedly be gratefully received. 

In a personal canvas of a very large number of the heads of families 
I found that they differed widely as to what would be the best method 
of extending assistance to individual families, but there was entire 
unanimity of opinion as to the way in which the entire body of people 
could best be helped, namely, in providing them with some higher 
institution of learning where the more ambitious of their young 
people could obtain a better education than is now possible and better 
training for useful occupations in life. 

. Their district schools I am told will compare favorably with the 
district schools of the colored people and the whites residing in the 
same vicinities, and their normal school, if better equipped and better 
supported, would furnish them teachers for their district schools, 
but there are no higher institutions of learning in North Carolina, 
to which they have access, where they can send their youth who 
desire to obtain a more liberal education; the State institutions for 
the education of the white and colored youth are not open to the 
Indians of Robeson and adjoining counties. In consequence, their 
young people who desire to obtain a better education than that 
furnished through the medium of the normal school are unable at 
present to do so. It is true that these young people could attend 
the Carlisle Indian School, and other nonreservation Indian schools, 
but most of them are too poor to do so, and besides these nonreser- 
vation Indian schools do not furnish precisely the character of 
training they desire. 

In addition to the common or district schools and the normal 
schools for both white and colored children, the State of North 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 31 

Carolina has provided the youth of both these races with institu- 
tions of learning imparting instruction in agriculture and the 
mechanic trades, and to some extent in domestic science; but there 
are no such schools of higher instruction open to these Indians, As 
I understand the matter, they are prohibited by law from attending 
these higher institutions of learning established for the education of 
white and colored youth. It is conjectured that the very limited 
number of these Indians, compared with the white and colored 
population, accounts for this discrimination. 

I might say here that in my judgment, the children of these 
Indians, as a rule, are exceedingly bright, quick to learn from books, 
as well as from example, and are very eager to obtain further educa- 
tional advantages than are now open to them. If the reverse were 
true, there would be little encouragement to furnish them with 
higher institutions of learning when they were incapable of taking 
advantage of their present educational facilities or indifferent about 
obtaining a higher education; but I believe the more ambitious of 
their youth to be eager to attend higher institutions of learning 
than those now provided. 

While these Indians are essentially an agricultural people, I 
believe them to be as capable of learning the mechanical trades as 
the average white youth. The foregoing facts suggest the char- 
acter of the educational institution that should be established for 
them, in case Congress sees fit to make the necessary appropriation, 
namely, the establishment of an agricultural and mechanical school, 
in which domestic science shall also be taught. 

The preparation of this report has been somewhat delayed since 
my return from North Carolina because of the great amount of his- 
torical research called for by the investigation. 

The correspondence in connection with the investigation is filed 
as Exhibit M. 

Very respectfully submitted. 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent 



EXHIBIT A. 
Exhibit Al. 

SENATE RESOLUTION 410, SIXTY-THIRD CONGRESS, SECOND 

SESSION. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he hereby is, 
directed to cause an investigation to be made of the condition and 
tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining counties of 
North CaroUna, recently declared by the Legislature of North Caro- 
Una to be Cherokees, and formerly known as Croatans, and report to 
Congress what tribal rights, if any, they have with any band or tribe; 
whether they are entitled to or have received any lands, or whether 
there are any moneys due them, their present condition, their educa- 
tional facihties, and such other facts as would enable Congress to 
determine whether the Government would be warranted in making 
suitable provision for their support and education. 



Exhibit A2. 
OFFICE INSTRUCTIONS JULY 23, 1914. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, July 23, 1914. 
Mr. O. M. MoPiiERSON, S fecial Agent. 

My Dear Mr. McPherson: Upon the receipt of these instructions, 
or as soon thereafter as practicable, you will proceed to North Caro- 
lina for the purpose of investigating the affairs of the Croatan Indians 
of Robeson and adjoining counties of that State, as provided for by 
Senate resolution 410. 
This resolution reads : 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he hereby ia, directed to cause 
an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson 
and adjoining counties of North Carolina, recently declared by the Legislature of 
North Carolina to be Cherokees, and formerly kown as Croatans, and report to Congresa 
what tribal rights, if any, they have with any band or tribe; whether they are entitled 
to or have received any lands, or whether there are any moneys due them, their present 
condition, their educational facilities, and such other facts as would enable Congresa 
to determine whether the Government would be warranted in making suitable pro- 
vision for their support and education. 

Extreme care should be exercised by you in obtaining all pertinent 

facts relative to the condition and tribal rights of these Indians in 

order that this office may be prepared to submit to the next Congress, 

through the department, full information responsive to said resolution. 

Very truly, yours, 

Cato Sells, Commissioner. 

32 



INDIANS OP NOBTH CAROLINA. 33 

Exhibit A3. 

ELEVENTH CENSUS UNITED STATES, 1890. 

NoKTH Carolina. 

Indian ^population as of June 1, 1890. 
Total 1,516 



Indians in prison, not otherwise enumerated 2 

Indians, self-supporting and taxed (counted in the general census) 1, 514 

The civilized (seK-supporting) Indians of North Carohna, counted 
in the general census, number 1,514 (741 males and 773 females), 
and are distributed as follows : 

Cherokee County, 47; Cumberland County, 28; Graham County, 
151; Harnett Coimty, 27; Jackson County, 314; Moore County, 15; 
Robeson County, l74; Swain County, 700; other counties (7 or less 
in each), 58. 

The Indians of North Carolina are mostly descendants of the Chero- 
kees, many of whom have so little Indian blood as in no way to 
attract the attention of a stranger. A considerable property interest 
attaches to membership in the Cherokee tribe, and it is claimed by 
some parties that there are more entitled to enumeration as Indians 
than were so designated by the census enumerators. 

It is in no way surprising that enumerators should return so few 
Indians, as many of them are not distinguishable from whites except 
on special investigation as to their racial relations. On the other 
hand, the claims of some who wish to be enrolled as Cherokees would 
be disputed. There is a marked tendency among the eastern Chero- 
kees to emigrate to the Indian Territory, and the number in North 
Carolina appears to be gradually diminishing from this cause. 

By the laws of North Carolina the Indians vote and they are sub- 
ject to a property tax, but they are not allowed within the third 
generation to marry whites. 

The Indians of North Carolina were enumerated with the general 
population and were entered as 1,514, of whom 174 are in Robeson 
County and are known as Croatans. Claims are made that both 
Croatans and Cherokees far exceed the numbers given by census 
enumerators for Indians in the counties in which these people live. 
The State of North Carolina recognizes a greater number as Croatans 
than are returned as Indians in Robeson County. 

THE CROATANS. 

A body of people residing chiefly in Robeson County, N. C, laiown 
as the Croatan Indians, are generally white, showing the Indian 
mostly in actions and habits. They were enumerated by the regular 
census enumerator in part as whites. They are clannish and hold 
with considerable pride to the traditions that they are the descend- 
ants of the Croatans of the Raleigh period of North Carolina and 
Virginia. 

;Mr. Hamilton McMiUan, of FayetteviUe, N. C, in 1888, published 
apamphlet of 27 pages, the title page of which is as follows: "Sii 
Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony * * * with the traditions of ac 

75321"— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 3 



34 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Indian tribe in North Carolina," Wilson, N. C. This pamphlet is to 
show that Raleigh's colony was carried off by the Indians, and that 
the Croatan Indians of North Carolina are their descendants. Mr. 
McMillan also, in answering an inquiry in reference t) the Croatans, 
wrote the following to the Conimissioner of Indan Affairs: 

Red Springs, N. C, July 17, 1890. 

* * * The Croatan tribe lives principally in Robeson County, N. C, though 
there is quite a number of them settled in counties adjoining in North and South 
Carolina. In Sumter County, S. C, there is a branch of the tribe, and also in east 
Tennessee. In Macon County, N. C, there is another branch, settled there long ago. 
Those living in east Tennessee are called "Melungeans, " a name also retained by 
them here, which is a corruption of "Melange," a name given them by early settlers 
(French), which means mixed. * * * In regard to their exodus from Roanoke 
Island their traditions are confirmed by maps recently discovered in Europe by Prof. 
Alexander Brown, member of the Royal Historical Society of England. These maps 
are dated in 1608 and 1610, and give the reports of the Croatans to Raleigh's ships 
which visited our coast in those years. * * * The particulars of the exodus pre- 
served by tradition here are strangely and strongly corroborated by these maps. 
There can be little doubt of the fact that the Croatans in Robeson County and else- 
where are the descendants of the Croatans of Raleigh's day. 

In 1885 I got the North CaroUna Legislature to recognize them as Croatans and give 
them separate public schools. In 1887 I got $500 a year from the State for a normal 
school for them for 2 years. In 1889 the appropriation was extended three years 
longer. 

Their normal school needs help; at least $500 more is needed. The appropriation 
for the public schools amounts to less than $1 a head per annum. 

February 10, 1885, the general assembly of North Carolina pro- 
vided by law for separate schools for the Croatan Indians of North 
Carolina. This act contained the following: 

Whereas the Indians now living in Robeson County claim to be descendants of a 
friendly tribe who once resided in eastern North Carolina, on the Roanoke River, 
known as the Croatan Indians, therefore, the general assembly of North Carolina do 
enact: 

Section 1. That the said Indians and their descendants shall hereafter be desig- 
nated and known as the Croatan Indians. 

The provisions for separate schools follow. 

March 7, 1887, the general assembly of North Carolina established 
the Croatan normal school in Robeson County for the Croatan In- 
dians, and February 2, 1889, the same body enacted that all children 
of the negro race to the fourth generation should be excluded from 
the Croatan separate Indian schools. The Croatan normal school is 
at Pates. 

The census' enumerators recognized 174 persons in Robeson 
County as Indians. The State school report for the year ending 
June 30, 1890, shows 649 boys and 593 girls between 6 and 21 years 
of age among the Croatans of Robeson County, of whom 188 boys 
and 422 girls attended school. The disbursements for the Croatan 
schools by the county treasurer were $765.75 to pay teachers and 
S284.87 for schoolhouses and sites. 

J. W. Powell, under date of January 11, 1889, wrote of the 
Croatans : 

Croatan was in 1585 and thereabouts the name of an island and Indian village just 
north of Cape Hatteras, N. C. White's colony of 120 men and women was landed on 
Roanoke Island, just to the north, in 1587, and in 1590, when White returned to revisit 
the colony, he found no trace of it on Roanoke Island, save the name "Croatoan" carved 
upon a tree, which, according to a previous understanding, was interpreted to mean 
that the colonists had left Roanoke Island for Croatan. No actual trace of the miss- 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 35 

ing colonists was ever found, but more than 100 years afterward Lawson obtained 
traditional information from tbe Hatteras Indians which led him to believe that the 
colonists had been incorporated with the Indians. It was thought that traces of 
white blood could be discovered among the Indians, some among them having gray- 
eyes. It is probable that the greater number of the colonists were killed; but it was 
quite in keeping with the Indian usages that a greater or less number, especially 
women and children, should have been made captive and subsequently incorporated 
into the tribe. The best authority to be consulted with regard to the above colony 
is Hawks' History of North Carolina, Fayette\dlle, N. C, 1859, volume I, pages 211, 
225, 258. 

The region inhabited by the Oroatans is a low woodland, swampy 
region, locally loiown as pocoson land, abounding in whortleberries 
and blackberries, which bring some revenue to the people. The 
existence of a peculiar people, claiming Indian ancestry and nomi- 
nally distinct from negroes and whites, has not prevented such ad- 
mixture as to confuse every inquner who has undertaken to solve 
their relations and the numbers of those rightfully claiming any 
defined racial distinctions, but it has made certain districts a refuge 
for men of all races who preferred the half wild life of the woods to 
regular labor, or who preferred the bullet to the slow forms of law 
to settle difficulties, in past years some of the most noted disturb- 
ances in the State seem due to a desperado whose racial connections 
are not clearly known, who married among the Croatans, and who 
was finally brought to justice only when the governor called out the 
militia. No such disturbance has occurred in recent year^. 



EXHIBIT B. 
Exhibit Bl. 

PETITION OF CROATAN INDIANS. 

State op North Carolina, 

County of Robeson. 
To the Jionorahle the Congress of the United States: 

The undersigned, your petitioners, a part of the Croatan Indians, 
hving in the county and State aforesaid, their residence for a hundred 
years or more, respectfully petition your honorable body for such 
aid as you may see fit to extend to them, the amount to be appro- 
priated to be used for the sole and exclusive purpose of assisting your 
petitioners and other Croatans in said county and State to educate 
their children and fit them for the duties of American citizenship. 

Your petitioners would show that there are in said county, of legal 
school age, of the Croatan race, eleven hundred and sixty-five (1,165 
in December, 1887) children. That the Croatans in said, county and 
State are industrious citizens, engaged for the most part in agricul- 
tural pursuits, and are unable to give to their children the benefits of 
proper educational training, and would, as aforesaid, most respectfully 
petition your honorable body to assist them. 

Your petitioners are a remnant of White's lost colony and during 
the long years that have passed since the disappearance of said colony 
have been struggling unaided and alone to fit themselves and their 
children for the exalted privileges and duties of American freemen, 
and now for the first time ask your honorable body to come to their 
assistance. 

And your petitioners as in duty bound, etc. 

James Oxendine, Ashbury Oxendine, Zackriors Oxendine, 
J. J. Oxendine, Billey Locklear, Malakiah Locklear, 
Preston Locklear, John Ballard, Crolly Locklear, 
G. W. Locklear, Patrick Locklear, Luther Deas, 
Marcus Dial, Joseph Locklear, Alex Locklear, Frank 
Locklear, W. W. Locklear, J. E. Lovit, Beni Locklear, 
John Locklear, Joseph Locklear, jr., Soleomon Oxen- 
dine, A. J. Lowrie, John A. Locklear, Soleomon Lock- 
lear, Anguish A. Locklear, Silas Deas, Olline Oxen- 
dine, Isad Braboy, James Lowrie, John A. Lockler, 
Marcus Dial, Josep Lockler, Eliach Lockler, Frank 
Locklar, W. W. Lockler, J. E. Lovet, Buey Lockler, 
John Lockler, Jorge Brayboy, Pink Lockler, John E. 
Oxendine, William Sampson, Steven Carter, Evert 
Sampson, Wues Sampson, John Sampson, Rober 
Carter, Quin Gordan, Jordan Oxendine, James R. 
Sanderson, Peater DyaU, Willey Jacobs, Murdock 
Chavons. 
36 



i]sn>iA]srs OF north Carolina. 37 

Your petitioners above named respectfully ask that if your honor- 
able body admits an educational aid that it be so appropriated for 
the trustees of the normal school in said county to use so much thereof 
as may be necessary to complete. the normal-school building, and that 
the residue be apphed for the purpose of training teachers among 
the Croatan race who may attend said school. 



Exhibit B2. 



OFFICE LETTER TO HON. J. W. POWELL, JANUARY 7, 1889. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, January 7, 1889. 
Hon. J. W. Powell, 

Director Bureau of EtTinology, City. 
Dear Sir: I have the honor to inclose herewith copy of a com- 
munication signed with 54 names of persons who claim to be "Croatan 
Indians^' and descendants of ''White's lost colony," in Robeson 
County, N. C. 

There is no record in this office of any such Indians or any such a 
colony, and I can find no reference to them in any history at my 
command. 

Can you kindly furnish me with any information on the subject 
and much obhge. 

Yours, respectfully, 

Jno. H. Oberly, Oomnfiissioner. 



Exhibit B3. 
LETTER OF J. W. POWELL TO INDIAN OFFICE, JANUARY 11, 1889. 

Smithsonian Institution, 

Bureau of Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C, January 11, 1889. 
Hon. John H. Oberly, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

Sir: In reply to your letter of the 7th instant with inclosure re- 
questing information in regard to the Croatan Indians, I beg leave to 
say that Croatan was in 1585 and thereabouts the name of an island 
and Indian village just north of Cape Hatteras, N. C. White's colony 
of 120 men and women was landed on Roanoke Island just to the 
north in 1587, and in 1590, when White returned to revisit the colony, he 
found no trace of it on Roanoke Island save the name "Croatoan," 
carved upon a tree, which, according to a previous understanding, 
was interpreted to mean that the colonists had left Roanoke Island 
for Croatan. No actual trace of the missing colonists was ever 
found, but more than 100 years afterwards Lawson obtained tradi- 
tional information from the Hatteras Indians which led him to 
beheve that the colonists had been incorporated with the Indians. 
It was thought that traces of white blood could be discovered among 
the Indians, some among them having gray eyes. It is probable 



38 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

that the greater number of the colonists were killed ; but it was quite 
in keeping with Indian usages that a greater or less number, espe- 
cially women and children, should have been made captive and 
subsequently incorporated into the tribe. The best authority to be 
consulted with regard to the above colony is Hawks' History of 
North Carolina, Fayetteville, N. C, 1859, Volume I, pages 211, "225, 
228. The book may be obtained from the Congressional Library. 
Bancroft (History oi U. S., Vol. I, p. 77, treated at great length in 
his early edition; and other authors mention the main facts, but 
their accounts rest upon Hawks'. It is understood that Mr. Hamilton 
McMillan, of Fayetteville, N. C, will soon publish a book attempting 
to show that Raleigh's colony was carried off by the Indians and that 
their descendants are now hving in Robeson County, N. C. 
I am, yours, with respect, 

J. W. Powell, Director. 



Exhibit B4. 
OFFICE LETTER TO HAMILTON McMILLAN, JANUARY 29, 1889. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 
WasMngton, January 29, 1889. 
Hamilton McMij^lan, Esq., 

Fayetteville, N. 0. 
Sir: I have received a petition from parties in Robeson County, 
N. C, in which the claim is made that they are "Croatan" Indians, 
descendants of "White's lost colony," and asking Government aid 
for the education of their children, numbering about 1,100. 

I am informed that you are familiar with the history of these 
people, and if so, I will thank you for any information you will fur- 
nish me. Are they citizens of the United States, and are they entitled 
to the educational advantages furnished by the State of North 
CaroUna ? 

Please answer at your earliest convenience and oblige, 
Yours, respectfully, 

Jno. H. Oberly, Commissioner. 



Exhibit B5. 

LETTER OF W. L. MOORE TO INDIAN OFFICE, JULY 2, 1890. 

Osborne, N. C, July 2, 1890. 
Mr. T. W. Belt, Washington, D. 0. 

Dear Sir: Answering your letter of 7th ultimo wiU say that the 
people in whose behalf we wrote are not the Eastern Cherokees, but 
the Croatan Indians. Therefore they receive nothing ap])ropriated 
for the Cherokees. The people for which I am officially interested 
have as a general thing grown up without so much as the rudiments 
of education, yet the youth who have had (to some degree) better 
opportunities for educating themselves show that the moral, intel- 
lectual, and social aptitudes in them are real. Can not something be 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 39 

obtained to assist them in a normal school for them? If so, please 
direct me how to proceed. 

There are 1,100 children between the ages of 6 and 21 years who 
need contmual instruction. 

Please reply at the earliest convenience. 
Very respectfully, 

W. L. Moore. 



Exhibit B6. 

office letter to hamilton mcmillan, jitly 14, 1890. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, July 14, 1890. 
Hamilton McMillan, Fayetteville, N. C. 

Sir: On the 29th of January, 1889, a report from the Bureau of 
Ethnology in regard to the Croatan Indians w^as mailed to you with 
the request that information be forwarded to this office in regard 
to these people. Inclosed fmd copy of the letter. No communi- 
cation has been received from you in response to the office letter 
mentioned. The subject is again brought to the attention of the 
Indian Office by Mr. W. L. Moore, of Osborne, N. C, in a letter 
dated July 2, copy of which is also inclosed herewith. 

I trust that you will promptly respond to this communication 
and return the document mailed to you January 29 with such 
information as you can give. 
Very respectfully, 

T. J. Morgan, Commissioner. 



Exhibit B7. 



LETTER OF HAMILTON McMILLAN TO INDIAN OFFICE, JULY 17, 

1890. 

Ked Springs, N. C, July 17, 1890. 
T. J. Morgan, Esq., 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington. 

My Dear Sir: Your letter of July 14 ultimo just to hand. The 
communication and report from the Bureau of Ethnology to which 
you refer were never received, and your letter just received conveys 
the first intimation of their having been sent. Had they been 
received I w^ould have responded with pleasure. 

I inclose to you to-day a copy of a pamphlet containing much of 
interest in this connection. The pamphlet was written very hastily 
nearly two years ago in order to give the North Carolina Legislature 
some information, as the Croatans were asking some legislation in 
their behalf. 

The Croatan Tribe lives principally in Robeson County, N. C, 
though there are quite a number of them settled in counties adjoining 
in North and South Carolina. In Sumter County, S. C, there is a 
branch of the tribe and also in East Tennessee. In Lincoln County, 
N. C, there is another branch, settled there long ago. Those li^dng in 
East Tennessee are called "M'^lungeans," a name also retamed 



40 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

by them here, which is a corruption of Melange, a name given them 
by early settlers (French), which means mixed. The pamphlet sent 
you will outline their history as far as it can be discovered from their 
traditions. In regard to their exodus from RoanoTce Island their 
traditions are conhrmed by maps recently discovered in Europe by 
Prof. Alexander Brown, member of the Royal Historical Society of 
England. These maps are dated in 1608 and 1610, and give the 
reports of the Croatans to Raleigh's ships, which visited our coast in 
those years. These maps will be lithographed and published in a 
book, now being prepared by Prof. Brown. The particulars of the 
exodus preserved by tradition here are strangely and strongly 
corroborated by these maps. There can be little doubt of the fact 
that the Croatans in Robeson County and elsewhere are the descend- 
ants of the Croatans of Raleigh's day. In 1885 I got the North 
Carolina Legislature to recognize them as Croatans and give them 
separate public schools. In 1887 I got $500 a year from the State 
for a normal school for them for two years. In 1889 the appropria- 
tion was extended two years longer. 

Their normal school needs help — at least $500 more is needed. 
The appropriation to the public schools amounts to less than a dollaT* 
a head per annum" 

If you can aid them in the way desired we would be glad. They 
are citizens of the United States and entitled to the educational 
privileges enjoyed by other citizens, but those advanatges are not 
much. 

Respectfully, 

Hamilton McMillan. 

Exhibit B8. 
OFFICE LETTER TO W. L. MOORE, AUGUST 11, 1890. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August 11, 1890. 
W. L. Moore, Oshorne, N. G. 

Sir: Referring to your letter of July 2 and office response thereto 
of the 16th, I have received a communication from Hamilton Mc- 
Millan, of Red Springs, N. C, setting forth the situation of the Croatan 
Indians very fully. It appears from his statement that this band is 
recognized by the State of North Carolina, has been admitted to 
citizenship, and the State has undertaken the work of their education. 

While I regret exceedingly that the provisions made by the State 
of North Carolina seem to be entirely inadequate, I find it quite 
impracticable to render any assistance at this time. The Govern- 
ment is responsible for the education of sometliin^ like 36,000 Indian 
children and has provisions for less than half this number. So long as 
the immediate wards of the Government are so insufficiently provided 
for, I do not see how I can consistently render any assistance to the 
Croatans or any other civilized tribes. 

I am obliged to you for calling my attention to the matter, and 
have been very much interested in the information furnished by 
Mr. McMillan regardii\g this very interesting tribe. 
Very respectfully, 

T. J. Morgan, Commissioner, 



EXHIBIT C. 
SIR WALTER RAI^IGH'S LOST COLONY. 

[By Hamilton McMillan.] 

AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE ATTEMPTS OF SIK WALTER RALEIGH TO 
ESTABLISH A COLONY IN VIRGINIA, WITH THE TRADITIONS OF AN 
INDIAN TRIBE IN NORTH CAROLINA, INDICATING THE FATE OF THE 
COLONY OF ENGLISHMEN LEFT ON ROANOKE ISLAND IN 1587. 

Chapter I. 

In 1583, "Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, of England, France, and 
Ireland, Queen, defender of the faith," granted to Sir Walter Raleigh, 
his heirs and assigns forever, letters patent "to discover, search, fiiid, 
and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and 
territories, not actuaUj possessed of any Christian Prince, nor inhab- 
ited by Christian people, as to him, his heirs and assigns, to every or 
any of them shall seem good, and the same to have, hold, and occupy 
and enjoy, to him, his heirs, and assigns forever." 

It was provided further that a settlement should be made in the 
territory granted within six years next succeeding the date of the 
letters patent. 

This grant was made during one of the most critical periods of 
British history. The Protestant Elizabeth had espoused the cause 
of the Netherlands and had given high offense to Spain by rejecting 
the proposed matrimonial alliance with PhiUp, the reigning monarch 
of that country. The Armada, consisting of 140 ships of war and 
carrying fully 30,000 men, threatened an early attack upon England. 
Powerful allies stood ready to assist King Phihp. The length of 
time necessary to complete this powerful armament had afforded to 
Ehzabeth opportunity to prepare for the impending danger. Sir 
Walter Raleigh then enjoyed high favor at court. The Queen early 
discovered his soldierly quahties and intellectual abihty, and in addi- 
tion to high rank which she bestowed upon him, readily granted him 
and his heirs extensive territory in North America. Raleigh was one 
of the most skillful generals of his times, and while actively engaged 
in the preparation for the threatened invasion of England, found 
opportunity to fit out an expedition to the coast of America to make 
discoveries and to locate a colony in comphance with the terms of his 
grant. The commanders of the expedition were PhiUp Amadas and 
Arthur Barlowe, who sailed with two barks from the coast of Eng- 
land on the 15th day of April, 1584, O. S., and reached the coast of 
America in July of the same year. They sailed along the coast for 
120 miles before they found any entrance or river issuing into the 
sea. These navigators probably entered at Hatteras Inlet, on the 
coast of what is now North Carolina, and having anchored "within the 

41 



42 IlSTDIAlSrS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

haven's moutli on the left hand of the same," they went in boats '*to 
view the land adjoining and to take possession of the same in right of 
the Queen's most excellent majesty as rightful Queen and Princess 
of the same." The land thus taken into possession was Roanoke 
Island, about 7 leagues distant from the anchorage. 

After a stay of nearly two months, the expedition returned to 
England, carrying two of the natives, Manteo and Wanchese. The 
disposition of the natives toward the Englishmen was friendly, and 
though no reason is given for carrying the two Indians to England, 
it was probably understood that a second expedition would soon 
follow, and that they could return to their own country at an early 
day. There was good pohcy in impressing them, as prominent men 
of their own land, with the greatness of England. Manteo and Wan- 
chese returned in another expedition Uti Roanoke, the former to 
become Lord of Roanoke, the latter to become the determined enemy 
of the English. 

A second expedition, under Sir Richard Greenville, the cousin of 
Sir Walter Raleigh, sailed from England on the 9th of April, 1585. 
This expedition consisted of seven vessels, and arrived at Roanoke 
during the following July. In August following Sir Richard Green- 
ville returned to England, after leaving a colony on Roanoke Island 
under Master Ralf Lane. 

Lane explored the surrounding country, making many valuable 
discoveries, and finally, despairing of aid expected, embarked, with 
his entire colony, on the fleet of Sir Francis Drake, which stopped at 
Roanoke, and sailed for England. 

The departure of Lane's colony left no Enghshmen on the shores 
of North America. 

Chapter IL 

In less than one month from the departure of Lane Sir Richard 
Greenville arrived at Roanoke with supplies, and after a fruitless 
search for the colonists, he left 15 men on the island to hold possession 
of the country. After the departure of Greenville these men were 
seen no more by Englishmen. 

Not discouraged by repeated failures. Sir Walter Raleigh fitted out 
another expedition under John White as governor, who, with others 
of the colonists, were incorporated as "The Governor and Assistants 
of the City of Raleigh in Virginia." The city of Raleigh was designed 
to be built on the shores of Chesapeake Bay. 

Gov. White was instructed to call at Roanoke Island to ascertain 
the fate of the 15 men left there by Sir Richard Greenville. The 
commanders of the sliips seemed to have been independent of the 
authority of Gov. White, and fuUy aware that a voyage to Chesapeake 
Bay would delay their ex]3ected cruise in the West Indies, refused to 
transport the colony to its destination, and thus compelled Gov. 
White to stop at Roanoke Island. The vessels departed soon after 
in search of Spanish prizes. 

After reciting many incidents, Gov. White relates that "on the 
13th of August, our savage Manteo, by the commandment of Sir 
Walter Raleigh, was christened in Roanoke and called Lord thereof, 
and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faitliful service." "The 
18th, Eleanor, daughter of Gov. White and wife to Ananias Dare, one 
of the colonists, was dehvered of a daughter in Roanoke, and the 



Iin)IANS OP NORTH CAROLnSTA. 43 

same was christened there the Sunday following, and because this 
child was the first Christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia." 

Gov. White relates that a violent tempest arose on the 2l3t of 
August, which lasted for six days and threatened the destruction of 
one of the vessels then ready to sail for England. Gov. White was 
sent back to England by the planters, to act there as factor for the 
colony. 

The Croatan Indians, who visited Roanoke Island, invited the 
colonists to reside with them, and the latter, prior to the dej)arture 
of the governor, expressed to him their intention to accept the invi- 
tation and to remove 50 miles "up into the main." It was under- 
stood that if they went to Groatoan they were to carve the word 
Croatoan on the bark of a tree in some conspicuous place, that the 
governor might know where to find them on his return. It was fur- 
ther understood that if they left the island in distress they were to 
carve the Christian cross above the word Croatoan. 

On the 27th of August, White sailed for England, and the colonists 
were seen no more by white men. 

Chapter III, 

On his arrival in England, Gov. White found all things in commo- 
tion. The long- threatened storm of war had burst upon England, 
and the services of Sir Walter Raleigh and others who were interested 
in the distant colony were enhsted in the national defense. It was a 
critical period of British history. Queen Elizabeth rehed upon the 
skill of Raleigh, under whose guidance the Armada was defeated, and 
"liberty of person and liberty of conscience were once more free." 

On the 22d of April, 1588, Gov. White, by aid of Sir Walter Raleigh, 
sailed from England with two barques to visit the colony at Roanoke. 
These vessels, disabled in fighting ships encountered during the 
voyage, were compelled to return to England. No further attempt 
to reach the colony was made tiU the 20th of ?\[arch, 1590, when 
White again sailed for Virginia with three vessels. Nearly six 
months passed before the vessels reached Roanoke in the following 
August : 

In his account of this voyage, as published by Hakluyt, Gov. White 
says that — 

on the IStli of August, towards evening, we came to anchor at Hattorask in 36J°, in 
five fathoms water three leagues from the shore. At our first coming to anchor on this 
shore we saw a great smoke rise in the Isle Roanoke, near the place where I left our 
colony in the year 1587, which smoke put us in good hope that some of the colony 
were there expecting our return out of England. The 16th and next morning our 
two boats went ashore, and Captain Cooke and Captain Spicer and their company 
with me, with intent to pass to the place at Roanoke where our countrymen were 
left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our maater gunner to make ready 
two minions and a falcon, well loaded, and to shoot them off with reasonable space 
between every shot, to the end that their reports might be heard to the place where 
we hoped to find some of our people. 

Omitting some unimportant details, we extract from White's nar- 
rative the following: 

Our boats and all things filled again, we put off from Hattorask, being the number 
of nineteen persons in both boats; but before we could get to the place where our 
planters were left it was so exceeding dark that we overshot the place a quarter of a 
mile, when we espied towards the north end of the island (Roanoke) the light of a 



44 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

great fire througli the woods, to wliicli we presently rowed. When we came right 
over against it, we let fall our grapnel near the shore and sounded with a trumpet a 
call, and afterwards many familiar tunes and songs and called to them friendly; but 
we had no answer; we therefore landed at daybreak, and coming to the fire we found 
the grass and sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went 
through the woods to that part of the island directly over against Dasamonguepeuk, 
and from thence we returned by the water side round about the north point of the island 
untU we came to the place where I left our colony in the year 1587. In all this way 
we saw in the sand the print of the savage's feet of two or three sorts trodden in the 
night, and as we entered up the sandy bank, upon a tree in the very brow thereof, 
were curiously carved these fair Roman letters, C. R. O., which letters presently we 
knew to signify the place where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret 
token agreed upon between them and me at my last departure from them, which was that 
in any way they should not fail to write or carve, on the trees or posts of the doors, the 
name of the place where they should be seated; for at my coming away they were 
prepared to remove from Roanoke fifty miles into the main. Therefore at my de- 
parture from them in Aug., 1587, I willed them that if tliey should happen to be dis- 
tressed in any of those places that they should carve over the letters or name a cross f 
in this form, but we found no such sign of distress. And having well considered of 
this we passed through the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found 
the houses taken down and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisade of 
great trees with curtains and flankers, very fortlike, and one of the chief trees or posts 
at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off, and five feet from the ground, 
in fair capital letters, was graven "Croatoan," without any cross or sign of distress. 
This done, we entered into the palisado, where we found many bars of iron, two pigs 
of lead, four iron fowlers, iron locker, shot, and such like heavy things thrown here 
and there almost overgrown with grass and weeds. * * * But although it grieved 
me much to see such spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I 
had safely found a certain token of their being at Croatoan, which is the place where 
Manteo was born, and the savages oftfte island our friends. 

Foul weather compelled Gov. White to return to the fleet, and on 
the following day with a favorable wind they prepared to sail to 
Croatan, but owing to the loss of all their anchors save one and the 
approaching foul weather it was determined to sail to St. John or 
some other island southward for fresh water, and after obtaining 
victuals and necessaries in the West Indies and spending the winter 
there to return in the spring to seek the colonists at Croatan. One 
of the vessels being in a leaky condition was compelled to sail for 
England. The other vessels after cruising for a while in search of 
Spanish prizes finally sailed for England and arrived at Plymouth 
on the 24th day of October, 1590. 

From the story of Gov. White it is evident that Croatoan was sit- 
ated southward from Roanoke Island and upon the coast, for the 
voyagers attempted to sail to it upon the open sea. It is probable 
that the island mentioned was one of the long islands curtaining the 
coast and embraced within the present county of Carteret. It is so 
located on one of the oldest maps, bearing date of 1666. On a map 
pubUshed by order of the Lords Proprietors in 1671 the peninsula 
embracing the present county of Dare is called Croatan. Lawson's 
map of the year 1709 also locates Croatan in the same region. The 
sound immediately west of Roanoke Island still bears the name of 
Croatan. The name of the island belonging to the tribe was prob- 
ably Croatoan, while the name of the tribe inhabiting it may have 
been Croatan. The name Croatan was given to the tribe by the 
Enghsh from the name of a locahty within their territory. That part 
of their territory lying west of Roanoke Island was called Dasa- 
monguepeuk by some of the natives. Manteo, by order of Sir Walter 
Raleigh, was made "Lord of Roanoke and Dasamonguepeuk," the 
first instance of a title of nobihty being conferred on an American. 



IIJroiANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. "45 

There can be little doubt that the territory now embraced within the 
counties of Hyde, Tyrrell, and Dare was claimed and occupied by 
the friendly tribe of Manteo at one time, and was designated as 
Croatan, and at another time occupied by a different tribe of 
hostile Indians, who called it Dasamonquepeuk. Croatoan, the prin- 
cipal seat of ]\Ianteo and his tribe, lay to the southward. The name 
carved upon the tree according to a secret understanding between 
Gov. White and the planters prior to the departure of the former, 
was Croatoan, and was understood by him to mean an island south- 
ward from Roanoke, ''for there," he relates, ''Manteo was born and 
the savages of the island our friends." 

For nearly 300 years after the departure of White no trace of the 
lost colony had been discovered, with the exception of the following 
related by Lawson, an early historian, who wrote in 1714: "The 
Hatteras Indians who lived on Roanoke Island, or much' frequented it, 
tell us that several of their ancestors were white people and could talk 
in a book, as we do; the truth of which is confirmed by gray eyes 
being frequently found amongst these Indians, and no others. They 
value themselves extremely for their affinity to the English, and are 
ready to do them aU friendly offices." 

Purchas tells us that several subsequent voyages were made at the 
expense of Sir Walter Raleigh, to discover his lost countrymen, but 
without success. Commanders of ships in those days were more 
anxious to capture Spanish vessels than to find lost Englishmen, and 
it is doubtful if a single ship touched at Croatan or Roanoke to make 
inquiries after the departure of White in 1590. 

Chapter IV. 

Who were the Croatans? The term Croatan or Croatoan was 
apphed by the Enghsh to the friendly tribe of Manteo whose chief 
abode was on an island on the coast southward from Roanoke. The 
name Croatan seems to indicate a locahty in the territory claimed 
by Manteo and his tribe. Dr. Hawks speaks of this tribe as Hatteras 
Indians, and from an incident to be related hereafter this title seems 
to have been recognized by these Indians. From the first appearance 
of Amadas and Barlowe to the departure of Gov. White, in 1587 
relations of the most friendly character are known to have existed 
between this tribe and the English colonists. Their chief, Manteo, 
in reward of his faithful services to the English, was, by command 
of Sir Walter Raleigh, baptized as a member of the Church of England 
and was made Lord of Roanoke and of Dasamonguepeuk. For 
reasons given in the succeeding pages we beUeve the term Roanoke, 
then apphed to the island, was afterwards given to a large extent of 
territory contiguous to Pamhco Sound, in fact to aU the territory 
claimed by Manteo. The tribes at that early day seemed to have 
had no settled boundaries to the territories claimed by them and 
occupied the land adjacent to their principal seats, alternately with 
other tribes, as hunting grounds. 

The history of this tribe, as connected with the early attempts to 
colonize our eastern coast, is of pecuHar interest and is worthy of 
extended notice. 



46* INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Harriot, who accompanied Lane's expedition to Virginia, in de- 
scribing the Indians on our coast, says: 

They are a people clothed with loose mantles made of deerskins and aprons of the 
same around their middles, all else naked, of such a difference of stature as we of 
England, having no edge tools or weapons of iron or steel to offend us withal, neither 
know they how to make any. * * * The language of every government is different 
from any other, and the farther they are distant, the greater is the difference. * * * 
They believe that there are many gods, which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts 
and degrees, one only chief and great God which has been from all eternity. * * * 
They also believe the immortality of the soul, that after this life as soon as the soul is 
departed from the body according to the works it has done, it is either carried to heaven, 
the habitable of the gods, there to enjoy perpetual bliss and happiness, or else to a 
great pit or hole, which they think to be in the farther part of the world toward the 
sunset, there to burn continually, the place they call Popogusso. 

In reading this account of the rehgion of the natives we conckide 
that at some period they had communication with more civihzed 
races from the East who impressed upon them some idea of faith 
more exalted than that common among savages. Some may be 
ready to accept the absurdities of monkish fancy and readily believe 
them to be descendants of the "lost tribes" who had retained some- 
thing of ancient Jewish faith. The difference in color, language, and 
other characteristics renders it difficult to accept such a theory. The 
knowledge of this western land is as old as the time of Plato and 
Solon, who mention an island in the West called Atlantis "and a 
great continent which lay beyond it." The Persians established a 
colony in the West Indies a thousand years ago, which, by "abstain- 
ing from all admixture with the black aborigines, differs but Httle 
from their progenitors in the parent country." The Welsh colonized 
the Carolina coast in the twelfth century. In 1660 Rev. Morgan 
Jones, in traveling in the Tuscarora country, was captured by the 
Doegs, a branch of that tribe who spoke Welsh. He describes them 
as settled upon Pontigo River near Cape Atross. This statement 
seems to confu'm the Welsh chronicle which describes Madoc's colony. 
Long before the discovery of Columbus the Basques sent fishing 
vessels to the northern part of America. The Norse records describe 
voyages to the American coast, reciting facts and dates which are 
confirmed by Irish and Arabic chronicles, and also by the inscription 
on Womans Island on our northern coast bearmg date of April 25, 
1135. If we discredit the accounts of these early voyages we may 
discredit anything of ancient date recorded in history. The Sanscrit 
root syllable ay and the Latin root ok, both meaning water, are 
detected in the names of scores of rivers and bays on our Atlantic 
coast facing Europe, where vessels driven by the northeast trade 
winds, would probably reach our shores. 

We cite these facts in support of the theory that colonies were in 
past times located on our coast and in course of time were neglected 
and forgotten by the parent countries and became absorbed by native 
tribes. If this theory is accepted it will account for traditions of 
wrecked vessels prevalent among the Indians described by Hariot, 
as well as for their rehgious notions so far above those commonly 
found among savages. Prescott, as quoted by Dr. Hawks, in speak- 
ing of the Indians found on the Atlantic coast of North America, says: 

They had attained to the sublime conception of one Great Spirit, the creator of the 
universe, who, immaterial in his own nature, was not to be dishonored by an attempt 
at visible representation, and who, pervading all space, was not to be circumscribed 
within the walls of a temple. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 47 

What may have been the origin of the tribe, known to us through 
the Enghsh colonists as Croatan, can only be a matter of conjecture. 
They had traditions of vessels wrecked in past times, and they affirmed 
that iron implements found among them were obtained from such 
wrecks. Childi-en with auburn hair and blue eyes were noticed 
among them, which impressed the belief that they had had communi- 
cation with white people. From the appearance of Amidas and 
Barlowe in 1584 to the departure of Gov. White in 1587, their de- 
meanor toward the whites was friendly. The treatment received 
by Manteo during his visit to England may have enhanced the good 
feeling toward the English. What became of them? 

Chapter V. 

After the departure of Gov. White from the coast of Virginia in 
1590 five expeditions were fitted out at the expense of Sir Walter 
Raleigh for the relief of his distressed countrymen at Roanoke. These 
expeditions returned with no tidings of the planters and it became 
the settled conviction of those mterested in the colony that it per- 
ished from starvation or savage cruelty. 

After the settlement at Jamestown in 1607, Capt. John Smith sent 
a hardy woodsman to the Chowanoke Indians, who lived near the 
head oi Albemarle Sound, under the pretense of sending presents to 
their king, but his object was to make inquiries concerning the Roa- 
noke colony. Capt. Smith sent two other men to the Mangoaks, 
on the river Nottoway, but they returned as the other had done, 
without any information except that the white people were all dead. 
(Vide Wilhamson's His. of N. C, vol. 1, p. 73.) 

It is evident from the story of Gov. White, as given on a preceding 
page, that the colonists went southward along the coast to Croatoan 
Island, now a part of Carteret County, in North Carolina, and distant 
about 100 miles in a direct Hne from Albemarle Sound. The Man- 
goacks were seated northwest from Albemarle and it is not surprising 
that the messengers returned without definite information. The 
statement of Lawson as to the tradition of the Hatteras Indians 
may throw some Ught on the fate of the EngUsh colonists, but it is 
a matter of surprise to us at this time that a historian would not 
pursue the investigation of that tradition far enough to ascertain 
who those ancestors were who could 'Halk in a book." Europeans 
had been upon the coast even before the arrival of Amidas and 
Barlowe in 1584. Persons were noticed among the natives with 
auburn and chestnut colored hair, and traditions existed concern- 
ing wrecked vessels. Iron implements were found among the 
Croatan Indians made of spikes and nails obtained from a wreck 
on their coast, which occurred about 20 years before the arrival of 
the English colony. A previous wreck in 1558 was mentioned; some 
of the crew were saved and were supposed to have been lost in their 
attempt to leave in the frail boats of the natives, Lawson wrote in 
1714, 127 years after the colonists were last seen on Roanoke Island. 
Sixty-nine years after the settlement on that island and sixty years 
before the event related by Lawson, Roanoke was visited by an 
Englishman, Francis Yeardly, who, in a letter to John Farrar, Esq., 



48 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

dated May 8, 1654, relates a visit made to Roanoke Island by himself 
and others — 

where or thereabouts they found the great commander of these parts with his Indians 
ahunting, who received them civilly, and showed the ruins of Sir M^alter Raleigh's 
fort, from which I received a sure token of their being there. After some days spent 
to and fro in the country, the young man, the interpreter, prevailed with the great 
man and his war captains to come in and make peace with the English, which they 
willingly condescended unto. (Vide Hawks, His. N. C, vol. 2, p. 17.) 

So that at that early day the island was occupied by Indians who 
knew nothing of the lost Englishmen and who pointed out Raleigh's 
fort as an object of curiosity, without any tradition as to the fate of 
those who built it. 

Rev. Mr. Blair, who was a missionary to the settlements on Pamlico 
Sound, after describing the difficulties of his situation, writes to his 
patron, Lord Weymouth, as follows: 

I think it likewise reasonable to give you an accoimt of a great nation of Indians, 
who live in that government, computed to be no less than 100,000, many of which live 
among the English, and all, as far as I can understand, a very civilized people. 

This letter was written in 1703. Mr. Blair speaks of a desert of 
50 miles in extent to be crossed in reaching the place. At the time in 
which he writes the descendants of the missing colonists must have 
held only a tradition respecting the events attendmg the attempt at 
colonization on Roanoke Island. The number mentioned by Mr. 
Blair is evidently an exaggeration and the location of the tribe is 
indefinite. There is reason to beUeve that descendants of the colonists 
were living in a region of country southwest of Pamhco at the time 
in which he writes and that they emigrated westward toward the 
interior, where a large body of Croatan Indians and descendants of 
the lost colonists had previously located. It is probable that the 
civilized Indians mentioned were a portion of the Croatan tribe, as 
there was no other tribe to which the reference could apply. At that 
early day very little was known of the region to southwest of Pamhco 
Somid, and the missionary may have traveled 100 miles in reaching 
the place of his labor, which seemed to be at a great distance from 
other precincts visited by him. 

At the time in which he writes (1703) there were no settlements 
of white men known to exist beyond the region around Pamlico 
Sound. Subsequent to that date white emigrants penetrated the 
wilderness, and in 1729 there was a settlement made on Hearts 
Creek, a tributary of the Cape Fear, and near the site of the present 
town of FayetteviUe. Scotchmen arrived in what is now Richmond 
County in North Carolina as early as 1730. French Huguenots in 
large numbers emigrated to South Carolina after the revocation of 
the Edict of Nantes, and some of them had penetrated as far north as 
the present northern boundary of that State in the early part of the 
eighteenth century. 

At the coming of white settlers there was found located on the 
waters of Lumber River a large tribe of Indians, speaJcing English, 
tilling the soil, owning slaves, and practicing many of the arts of 
civilized Ufe. They occupied the country as far west as the Pee Dee, 
but their principal seat was on the Lumber, extending along that 
river for 20 miles. They held their lands in common, and land titles 
only became known on the approach of white men. The first grant 
of land to any of this tribe of which there is written evidence in 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 49 

existence was made by King George II in 1732 to Henry Berry and 
James Lowrie, two leading men of the tribe, and was located on the 
Lowi'ie Swamp, east of Lumber River in present county of Robeson, 
in North Carolina. A subsequent grant was made to James Lowrie 
in 1738. According to tradition, there were deeds of land of older 
date, described as "Wliite" deeds and "Smith" deeds, but no trace 
of their existence can be found at this date. 

Many of these people at a later period purchased their lands from 
persons who obtained large patents from the king. 

Occasional bands of immigrants arrived on the Lumber River 
from ancient settlements toward the east, while others moved 
west toward the Pee Dee, Catawba and French Broad Rivers. 
These people were hospitable, and friendly relations were estab- 
lished between them and their white neighbors. Subsequent to the 
coming of white settlers a portion of the tribe went north toward 
the Great Lakes and some of their descendants can be found at this 
time in Canada, west of Lake Ontario. Another emigration occurred 
at a later date and the emigrants became incorporated ^vith a tribe 
then located near Lake Michigan. Many famihes, described as 
white people, emigrated toward the Allegheny ^tlountains and there 
are many famihes in western North Carolina at this time, who are 
claimed by the tribe in Robeson County, as descendants of the lost 
Enghsh colonists, who had preserved their purity of blood to that 
degree that they could not be distinguished from white people. 
These Indians built great roads connecting the distant settlements 
with their principal seat on the Lumbee, as the Lumber River was 
then called. One of the great roads constructed by them can be 
traced from a point on Lumber River for 20 miles to an old settle- 
ment near the mouth of Hearts Creek, now Cross Creek. Another 
great highway still bearing the name of the "Lowiie Road" and used 
at this day as a pubhc road, extends from the town of Fayetteville, 
through Cumberland and Robeson Counties, in a southwest direction 
toward an ancient Croatan settlement on the Pee Dee. 

James Lowrie, previously mentioned as one of the grantees in the 
deed made by George the Second, and recognized as a chief man of 
his tribe, is described as an Indian who married Priscilla Berry, a 
sister of Henry Berry, the other grantee mentioned. James Lowrie 
was a descendant of James Lowrie, of Chesapeake, who married a 
Croatan woman in Virginia (as eastern North Carolina is still desig- 
nated by the tribe) and became the progenitor of all the Lowries 
belonging to this tribe. According to the prevalent tradition respect- 
ing this family, the men were intellectual and ambitious, and, as a 
chronicler of the tribe described them, became "leaders among men." 
Many persons distinguished in the annals of North Carolina are 
claimed as descended from the original James Lowrie, of Chesapeake. 
"You ^vill find the name of James Lowrie," remarked the chronicler, 
"wherever you find a Lowrie family." 

Henry Berry, the grantee previously mentioned, was a lineal 
descendant of the Enghsh colonist, Henry Berry, who was left on 
Roanoke Island in 1587. (See hst of names of lost colony.) 

Many of this tribe served in the Continental Army during the 
Revolutionary War and enjoyed pensions within the memory of 
persons yet living. A considerable number served during the War 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 4 



50 ' INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 

of 1812, some of whom received pensions within the recollection of 
the writer. From the close of the Revolution to the year 1835 they 
exercised the elective franchise equally with white men, performed 
militia duties, encouraged schools and built churches, owned slaves, 
and lived in comfortable circumstances. By an ordinance of the 
North Carolina State convention of 1835, the elective franchise was 
denied to all "free persons of color." To effect a political purpose, 
it was contended that these citizens were "free persons of color," 
and afterwards they were debarred from voting till the year 1868, 
when a new constitution was adopted. After the adoption of the 
new State constitution, they were allowed the benefit of public 
schools, but having been classed for a long period as "free persons 
of color," they were compelled to patronize schools provided for the 
negro race. Owing to a bitter prejudice against negroes, but few 
availed themselves of the privilege, the greater part preferring that 
their children should grow up in ignorance, rather than that they 
should be forced to association with a race which they hold in utter 
contempt. Separate schools have since been provided for their race 
by the Legislature of North Carolina^ which, by special act, recognized 
them as Croatan Indians. 

Chapter VI. 

During the late war between the States an incident occurred which 
caused the writer to investigate the traditions of this tribe. Three 
young men of the Lowrie family were drafted, according to military 
law, to work on the fortifications at Fort Fisher, in eastern North 
Carolina, and while on the road to the nearest depot in Robeson 
County they were killed, it is supposed, by a white man who had them 
in custody. An inquest was held, and at its conclusion, an old 
Indian named George Lowrie addressed the people assembled in 
substance as follows : 

We have always been the friends of white men. We were a free people long before 
the white men came to our land. Our tribe was always free. They lived in Roanoke 
in Virginia. When the English came to Roanoke, our tribe treated them kindly. 
One of our tribe went to England in an English ship and saw that great country. 
When English people landed in Roanoke we were friendly, for our tribe was always 
friendly to white men. We took the English to live with us. There is the white 
man's talood in these veins as well as that of the Indian. In order to be great like the 
English, we took the white man's language and religion, for our people were told they 
would prosper if they would take white men's laws. In the wars between white men 
and Indians we always fought on the side of white men. We moved to this land and 
fought for liberty for white men, yet white men have treated us as negroes. Here 
are our young men shot down by a white man and we get no justice, and that in a 
land where our people were always free. 

The incident above related occurred in the latter part of 1864, 
and owing to the troubled state of the country at that time and for 
several years afterwards, no investigation could be made till the year 
1875, when the writer became a citizen and had opportunity of inter- 
viewing leading persons of the tribe. 

After the year 1835 these Indians, who murmured greatly at the 
injustice done them in being classed as "mulattoes" or "free persons 
of color," became suspicious of white men, and at first we found 
difliculty in eliciting any facts relating to their past history. After 
years of patient investigation, gathering here and there, we present 
the following summary of traditions prevalent among them; 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 51 

The tribe once lived in Roanoke in Virginia, as they persist in 
calling eastern North CaroUna. The name Roanoke is apphed to 
the country around Pamhco Sound, embracing Hyde, Tyrell, and 
Dare Counties on the north, with the series of islands as far south 
as Carteret County and embracing that county with Craven and 
Jones. Croatoan or Croatan was a locality far to the south, off 
the coast of Carteret, and was the principal seat of the tribe. 
Their leading man was made Lord of Roanoke. The name Manteo 
they do not recognize, but are famihar with Mayno, a name very 
common among them and representing a very quiet, law-abiding 
people. 

At an early period after the Enghsh colony became incorpor- 
ated with the tribe, they began to emigrate westward. The first 
settlement made was probably in what is now Sampson County on 
several small rivers, tributary to Black River. A portion located 
on the Cape Fear, near a place now bearing the name of "Indian 
Wells" and at Hearts Creek in Cumberland County, now Fay- 
etteville. It is impossible to ascertain at what date the tribe lo- 
cated in Robeson, but it is probable that they have resided there 
for 200 3^ears. According to their universal tradition they were 
located there long before the troubles with the Tuscaroras began 
in 1711. Some of the tribe fought under ''Bonnul" as they term 
Col. Barnwell, and we have rehable evidence that they brought 
home a few Mattamuskeet Indians as prisoners and slaves. The 
descendants of these Mattamuskeets had their traditions also. 
The name Dare was not recognized by them in our first investi- 
gations but we afterwards discovered that they pronounce the 
name variously as Darr, Durr, and Dorr. This discovery was 
made when we related to an old chronicler of the tribe the story 
of Virginia Dare, the first white child born on American soil. 
This name Dorr or Durr has disappeared on the Lumber River 
since the war of 1812. The name Dorr appears on the muster 
roll of a company composed in part of Indians from Robeson 
County which served during that war, in the United States Army. 

Several chroniclers, or old persons who keep the traditions of 
the tribe, have informed us that there are families bearing the 
name of Dorr or Durr, to be found in western North CaroUna 
who are claimed by the tribe as descended from the English 
colonists of Roanoke. These chroniclers affii'm that the Dares, 
Coopers, Harvies, and others retained their purity of blood and 
were generally the pioneers in emigration. Many names are cor- 
rupted, so that it is difficult to trace their history. The name 
Goins was originally O'Guin, as appears from ancient court records. 
The name Lumber, as apphed to the river, was originally Lum- 
bee or Lombee. The name Manteo is not familiar to them. While 
they have a tradition of their leader or chief who went to Eng- 
land, yet they have preserved no name for him. The nearest 
approach to the name Manteo, is Maino or Mainor. An old 
woman, whom we interviewed, spoke of their great man as Won- 
oke. This name may be a corruption of Roanoke, for we must 
remember Manteo was made Lord of Roanoke. Mattamuskeet 
Lake, according to a tradition preserved by these Indians, was a 



52 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

burnt lake or lake caused by water filling a hole burnt in the ground. 
We are indebted for this tradition to an aged gentleman of Robeson 
County who was familiar with the traditions of the tribe from 
about 1820 to 1824. He mentioned several persons who repre- 
sented that they were descended from Mattamuskeet Indians 
who were taken prisoners, in the war between the Whites and 
Tuscaroras, by the tribe on the Lumber River. These Matta- 
muskeets could locate the dwelling places of their ancestors who 
lived in what is now Hyde County, in the vicinity of Mattamus- 
keet Lake. In our investigations we could find no tradition re- 
specting these persons. The names given by our informant have 
all disappeared. Large numbers have emigrated since the be- 
ginning of the present century. Within half a century about 40 
familes left the county of Robeson from about Plainview and went 
to the Northwest. ''Traditions are fading fast," our informant re- 
marked, "as far back as 1820 their traditions were more vivid than 
now and were famihar to old and young. Now, you will find 
their ancient traditions confined to comparatively a few old per- 
sons. " 

Pungo Lake is known among them as Mattapungo. They have 
no tradition as to any river named Roanoke. This name is in- 
variably appUed by them to the territory previously described as 
occupied by their tribe on the eastern coast. Hawks, as previ- 
ously mentioned, speaks of the tribe in 1587 as Hattera3 Indians. 
When the act of the North Carolina General Assembly was read 
to them, recognizing them as Croatans, an intelhgent Indian re- 
marked that he had always heard that they were called Hattoras 
Indians. The fine of emigration extended westward from what 
is now Carteret County, and can be traced according to tradition 
as far Avest as the French Broad, in Buncombe County. Tradition 
respecting locahties occupied b}^ the tribe at the time of the ab- 
sorption of the English colony is vague, but definite enough to 
establish the behef that their territory once embraced portions, at 
least, of the present counties of Carteret, Jones, and Craven. It 
is not at all probable that any of the Enghsh colonists left by 
Gov. White ever lived west of the county of Jones. The settle- 
ment on the Lumber River in Robeson County was made dur- 
ing the seventeenth century, possibly as early as 1650. The rev- 
ocation of the Edict of Nantes occurred in 1685, and thousands 
of French Huguenots, driven to exile, found refuge in South Car- 
oHna. As early as 1709, a colony of these exiles located in the 
eastern part of North Carolina. Some of these Huguenots pen- 
etrated the interior as far as the Lumber River in the early part 
of the last century, and found the country north and east of them 
thickly populated by Indians who had farms and roads and other 
evidences of civilized fife, and had evidently resided there for a 
considerable time before the approach of white men. 

Settlements were made toward the Pee Dee and at points be- 
yond that river after their location on the Lumber. 

The language spoken is almost pure Anglo Saxon, a fact which 
we think affords corroborative evidence of their relation to the 
lost colony of White. Mon (Saxon) is used for man, father is 
pronounced fayther, and a tradition is usually begun as follows: 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 53 

"Mon, m.j fayther told me that his fayther told him," etc. Men- 
sion is used for measurement, aks for ask, hit for it, hosen for hose, 
lovend for loving, housen for houses. They seem to have but two 
sounds for the letter a, one hke short o. Many of the words in 
common use among them have long been obsolete in Enghsh-speak- 
ing countries. 

They are a proud race, boasting alike of their English and Indian 
blood, hospitable to strangers, and ever ready to do friendly offices 
for white people. 

They are peaceable in disposition, but when aroused by repeated 
injury they will fight desperately. The great mass shun notoriety 
and carefully avoid places where crowds of other races assemble. 
They generally live retired from public highways and seem to show 
Indian characteristics more strongly than in former times. There 
are sixteen churches owned by them in Robeson County, divided 
among Baptist and Methodist denominations. Their schoolhouses, 
built entirely by private means, are all framed buildings and provided 
far better than those of the colored race. 

They are great road makers, like their ancestors. The best public 
roads in North Carolina are found among this tribe. 

There has been no census taken separately from the other races, 
but the number in Robeson County is fully 2,500, and, considering 
the settlements in other counties, the total is not less than 5,000. 
The enrollment of Croatan children in Robeson County between the 
ages of six and twenty-one years, in accordance with an act of the 
general assembly passed in 1885, shows about eleven hundred entitled 
to the benefit of public instruction, provided separately for the race. 

By an act of the general assembly passed in 1887 a normal school 
for teachers of the Croatan race was established, and the sum of S500 
is annually appropriated for two years by the State for its support. 

According to the law of North Carolina, all marriages between a 
white person and a negro or Indian, or between a white person and a 
person of negro or Indian descent to the third generation, inclusive, 
are null and void, but there was no inhibition of marriage between an 
Indian and a negro till the general assembly of 1887 amended the 
law by declaring all marriages between Croatan Indians and negroes 
or persons of negro descent to the third generation, inclusive, null and 
void. 

Chapter VII. 

In investigating the traditions prevalent among this singular peo- 
ple we found many family names identical with those of the lost 
colony of 1587. For the information of the reader we ^ive a list of 
the names of all the men, women, and children of Raleigh's colony, 
which arrived in Virginia and remained to inhabit there. This list 
is found in first volume of Hawks' History of North Carolina and 
copied from Hakluyt, Volume III, page 280. 



54 



INDIANS OF NORTH CABOLINA. 



Anno Regni Regin^ Elizabeths 29. 



John White. 
Roger Baily. 
Ananias Dare. 
Christopher Cooper. 
Thomas Stevens. 
John Sampson. 
Dionys Harvie. 
Roger Prat. 
George Howe. 
Simon Fernando. 
Nicholas Johnson. 
Thomas Warner. 
Anthony Cage. 
WiUiam Willes. 
William Brown. 
Michael Myllet. 
Thomas Smith. 
Richard Kemme. 
Thomas Harris. 
Richard Taverner. 
William Clement. 
Robert Little. 
Hugh Tayler. 
William Berde. 
Richard Wildye. 
Lewes Wotton. 
Michael Bishop. 
Henry Browne. 
Henry Rufotte. 
Richard Tomkins. 
Henry Dorrell. 



John Jones. 
John BrooTcs. 
Cutbert White. 
John Bright. 
Clement Taylor. 
William Sole. 
John Cotsmuir. 
Humphrey Newton. 
Thomas Colman. 
Thomas Gramme, or 
Graham, Graeme. 
Mark Bennet. 
John Gibbes. 
John Stilman. 
John Earnest. 
Henry Johnson. 
John Starte. 
Richard Darige. 
William Lucas. 
Arnold Archard. 
William Nichols. 
Thomas Phevens. 
John Borden. 
Charles Florrie. 
Henry Mylton. 
Henry Paine. 
Thomas FI arris. 
Thomas Scot. 
Peter Little. 
John Wyles. 
Bryan Wyles. 



Robert WilTcinson. 
John Tydway. 
Ambrose Viccars, 
Edmund English. 
Thomas Top an. 
Henry Berry. 
Richard Berry. 
John Spendlove. 
John Hemmington. 
Thomas Butler. 
Edward Powell. 
John Burdon. 
James Hynde. 
Thomas Ellis. 
John Wright. 
WilUam Dutton. 
Maurice Allen. 
William Waters. 
Richard Arthur. 
John Chapman. 
James Lasie. 
John Cheven. 
Thomas Hewett. 
George Martin. 
Hugh Pattenson. 
Martin Sutton. 
John Farre. 
John Bndger. 
Griffin Jones. 
Richard Shabedge. 



WOMEN. 



Eleanor Dare. 
Margery Harvie. 
Agnes Wood. 
Winnifred Powell. 
Joyce Archard. 
Jane Jones. 



Elizabeth Glane. 
Jane Pierce. 
Andry Tappan. 
Alice Charman. 
Emma Merunoth. 
Colman. 



Margaret Lawrence. 
Joan Warren. 
Jane Mannering. 
Rose Payne. 
Elizabeth Viccars. 



BOYS AND CHILDREN. 



John Sampson. 
Robert Ellis. 
Ambrose Viccas. 



Thomas Archard. George Howe. 

Thomas Humphrey. John Prat. 
Thomas Smart. William Wythers. 



Virginia Dare. 



CHILDREN BORN IN VIRGINIA. 

Harvie. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 55 

Manteo and Towaye, or Wanchese, that were in England, returned 
to Vkginia with the colony. 

Gov. John White, at the solicitation of the colonists, returned to 
England; Simon Fernando, the Spanish pilot of the expedition, also 
returned. George How^e, one of the "Assistants" of Gov. White, 
was killed by the Indians on Eoanoke Island soon after the arrival. 
Omitting the name of the perfidious Fernando, we have 120 persons 
in all, including men, women, and children, and about 90 family 
names, represented in the colony. 

The names in the foregoing list in italics are those which are found 
at this time among the Indians residing in Robeson County and in 
other counties of North Carolina. The traditions of every family 
bearing the name of one of the lost colonists point to Roanoke as the 
country of their ancestors. 

If we accept their traditions they held communication wdth the 
eastern coast long after their exodus, and it is not improbable that 
it was a party of this tribe which Lawson describes in 1714 as visiting 
their old hunting grounds and who described their ancestors as people 
who "could talk in a book." ^ 

As to the intellectual character of this singular people but little can 
be written, as public schools were unknowTi prior to 1835 and such 
education as they obtained up to that date was limited to a knowdedge 
of reading and writing and the fundamental rules of arithmetic. 
Hundreds have grown up to manhood and womanhood in perfect 
ignorance of books. By nature they are quick-witted, and, judging 
by the few examples of educated ones, they are equal to the whites 
in mental capacity. Ex-United States Senator Ivevels, of Mississippi, 
belongs to this tribe. He was born in Robeson County and emigrated 
to the northwest, where he was educated and subsequently resided 
in Mississippi. 

The action of the North Carolina Legislature in establishing sepa- 
rate scnools for this race and in recognizing them as the descendants 
of the friendly Croatans known to the early colonists is one great step 
toward their moral and intellectual elevation. They are almost uni- 
versally landholders and occupy a territory in the county of Robeson 
of about 60,000 acres, adapted to the growth of corn, cotton, and 
tobacco. 

Chapter VIII. 

It has long been a settled conviction that the lost colonists perished 
from starvation or savage cruelty. 

This conviction has arisen from the fact that they were seen no 
more by white men. 

The particulars given by Gov. Wliite of the understanding which 
existed between him and the colonists prior to his departure for Eng- 
land in 1587, and his finding the word "Croatoan" on a tree, in a con- 
spicuous place, on his return in 1590, seem to prove conclusively that 
the English had accepted the invitation of Manteo's tribe and had 
gone to Croatan Island. The fact that they were seen no more by 
white men does not prove that they perished. The same fact exists 
in regard to the Croatans and the same argument would prove their 
destruction also. 

1 Lawson's History was first published in 1709. 



56 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

We must remember that the region embracing Croatan Island and 
the adjacent mainland was unexplored for a long period after the 
attempt at settlement on Koanoke Island. The history of those 
times shows that in 1609^ the northeast corner of North Carolina was 
settled by a colony from Virginia. 

In 1654, sixty-seven years after the English colonists were last seen 
on Eoanoke, Virginia adventurers had explored as far south as tiie 
Pamlico and Neuse Rivers. In 1656 ^ a settlement was made on Albe- 
marle Sound. A colony from Massachusetts was located on the Cape 
Fear in 1660 and was soon abandoned. Sir John Yeamans' colony 
landed on the same river in 1664. In 1690 a French colony from Vir- 
ginia settled on Pamhco Sound, and in 1698 emigrants from Albemarle 
also located in that region. 

We have .cited these facts to show how little was loiown from 1587 
to 1690 of the region where tradition says the Croatans were settled. 

In 1690, the date of the settlement of the French on Pamlico, all the 
English colonists must have been dead, and the sad story was held 
only in tradition, and it may be that the Croatans who were then 
remaining in that region, on the approach of the new colony, removed 
farther into the interior, where portions of that tribe had previously 
located. 

As previously intimated, the traditions of the Indians now living in 
Robeson are sufficiently clear to prove that at an early period they 
located south of Pamlico Sound on the mainland. Tradition in regarH 
to their ancient dwelling places on the tributaries of Black River in 
the present county of Sampson are more definite. The fact that 
French, English, Irish, and perhaps German names are found among 
them is accounted for by the tradition that marriages frequently 
occurred between them and the early immigrants. The name Chavis 
which is common among this people, is probably a corruption of the 
French name Cheves. Goins was O'Guin, as court records prove. 
Leary was O'Leary. Blauc or Blaux is French. Braboy is of recent 
origin and was originally "Brave Boy" and dates back to the war 
with the Tuscaroras in 1711 and was conferred on an Indian by the 
commander of the English for some meritorious act. 

From the earliest settlement of the country along the Lumber River 
these Indians have been an English-speaking people. Their language 
has many peculiarities and reminds one of the English spoken in the 
days of Chaucer. The number of old English words in common use 
among them which have long been obsolete in English-speaking coun- 
tries is corroborative of the truth of their tradition that they are the 
descendants of the lost Englishmen of Roanoke. 

In traveling on foot they march in "Indian file" and exhibit a 
fondness for bright red colors. They unconsciously betray many 
other traits characteristic of Indians. The custom of raising patches 
of tobacco for their own use has been handed down from time imme- 
morial. 

In building they exhibit no little architectural skill. In road mak- 
ing they excel. Some of. the best roads in North Carolina can be 
found within their territory. They are universally hospitable and 
polite to strangers. They are proud of their race and boast of their 
English ancestry. Like their ancestors, they are friendly to white 
men. 

1 Should read " about 1661." 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 57 

Their traditions are generally preserved by the old members of the 
tribe, but the tradition is miiversal among them from infancy to old 
age that their ancestors came from "Eoanoke in Virginia." By Vir- 
ginia they mean eastern North Carolina, and the term "Roanoke" 
means the territory occupied by the tribe in the vicinity of Pamlico 
Sound. In religious matters they are Baptists and Methodists. The 
latter belong to what is called the Indian Mission, which is of recent 
origin. 

"They never forget a kindness, an injury, nor a debt," said an old 
citizen. * * * "They may not pay you when a debt is due, but 
they seldom forget an obligation and are sure to pay you after a 
time." 

In common with all Indians they have a great respect for the 
Quakers and look upon them as the true friends of the Indian. In the 
olden time they had houses of entertainment for travelers. 

The number of family names to be found among them identical 
with those of the colonists of lioanoke is further corroborative of their 
traditional descent. 

The line of emigration from their original seat on the coast was west- 
ward and can be traced as far west as the French Broad, in Buncombe 
County. Though many families of this tribe emigrated from the 
Lumber River a long while ago, yet the locations of many of them 
have been located in western North Carolina wth unerring certainty. 

The writer has been much interested in investigating the traditions 
prevalent among the Croatans and expresses his firm conviction that 
they are descended from the friendly tribe found on our eastern coast 
in 1587 and also descended from the lost colonists of Roanoke who 
were amalgamated \\'ith this tribe. 

Through many centuries of time there comes down to us the sad 
story of the lost legions of Varus. The mystery that so long hung 
over the fate of those legions was solved by Drusus, who found the 
bleaching bones of his countrymen in a German forest near the Baltic 
Sea. 

The fate of the lost colonists of Roanoke, we submit, is revealed in 
the foregoing pages. 

To the charitable who are interested in the moral elevation of 
humanity we heartily commend the Croatans. 



EXHIBIT CC. 

THE LOST COLONY OF ROANOKE: ITS FATE AND SITRVIVAL.* 

[By Stephen B. Weeks.] 



The disappearance of the settlers of 1587 has been called the tragedy 
of American colonization. The greatest interest was manifested in 
their fate by all the early explorers. Numerous expeditions were 
sent in search of them. These brought back various rumors, but 
nothing certain could be learned. Their history became interwoven 
with legend and romance; but after a lapse of three hundred years 
they emerge again from the darkness and dust of oblivion. 

It is now believed that the colonists of 1587 removed to Croatan 
soon after the return of Governor Wliite to England; that they inter- 
married with the Croatan or Hatteras Indians; that their wander- 
ings westward can be definitely traced; and that their descendants 
can be identified to-day. 

It is to a discussion of the movements of the colonists after the 
departure of Wliite, and to the identification of their descendants, 
that the remaining pages of this paper wiU be directed. 

There can be no doubt that the colonists removed to Croatan. 
When Wliite left them, "they were prepared to remove from Roanoak, 
fifty miles into the main.'' He agreed with them that they should 
carve in some conspicuous place the name of the section to wliich they 
went and if they went in distress a sign of the cross was to be carved 
above. The name Croatan was found, but there was no sign of dis- 
tress. The colonists must have gone on the invitation of Manteo and 
his friends, and the fact that their chests and other heavy articles 
were buried indicates that it was their intention to revisit the island 
of Roanoke at some future time, and that it was then in the possession 
of hostile savages. These articles consisted largely of arms and other 
instruments of war. This indicates that they went into the land of 
friends and that that their new home was not far distant, otherwise 
they would have taken all their property with them rather than endure 
the fatigue of a second long journey to Roanoke for it. The question 
arises then. Where was Croatan ? On the location of this place the 
future of the colony depended. Croatan, or more properly Croatoan, 
is an Indian word, and was applied by the Hatteras Indians to the 
place of their residence. Here Manteo was born, and here his relatives 
were hving when he first met the Eno;hsh; the latter soon began to 
apply the name to the Indians themselves. The island of Roanoke 
was not at that time regularly inhabited, but was used as a hunting 

' Reprinted from Papers American Historical Association, 1891, V, pp. 460-477. 

The late Dr. William T. Harris, when United States Commissioner of Education, took much interest in 
this theory of survival. He once expressed in the presence of this writer the belief that it was the greatest 
historical discovery of the nineteenth century. — S. B. W. 

58 



INDIANS OF FORTH CAEOLINA. 59 

ground by the tribe to which Manteo belonged, and also by their 
enemies who Hved on the main and were the subjects of Wingina. 

The name Croatan first appears in the account of GrenviUe's voy- 
age of 1585. It is there made an island; Lane says that it was an 
island; and White also bears witness to this, for he says, when describ- 
ing his discovery of the deserted and dismantled fort: "1 greatly 
joyed that I had found a certain token of their safe being at Croatoan, 
which is the place where Manteo was born and the savages of the 
island our friends." On White's map of the coast it is put down as 
an island. From these facts it is perfectly clear that the adventurers 
believed Croatan to be an island. The map of 1666 and the Nurem- 
burg map make it a part of the banks lying between Cape Hatteras 
and Cape Lookout, perhaps what is now known as Core Banks, and 
consequently an island; but later maps have located Croatan on the 
mainland, just opposite Roanoke Island, in the present counties of 
Dare, TyrreU, and Hyde. It is marked thus on Ogilby's map, pub- 
Ushed by the Lords Proprietors in 1671, on Morden's map of 1687, and 
on Lawson's map, published in 1709. A part of tliis region is still 
known as Croatan, while the sound between this section and Roanoke 
Island bears the name of Croatan. On the Nuremburg map and on 
the map of 1666 this peninsula is caUed Dasamonguepeuk. Now we 
know that in 1587 Manteo was baptized as Lord of Roanoke and 
Dasamonguepeuk. This title clearly indicates that the Hatteras 
tribe, to which Manteo belonged, laid claims to the peninsula. They 
doubtless made use of it for the cultivation of corn, as weU as for 
hunting and fishing, while their principal seat was some eighty miles 
to the south on the island of Croatan. The Enghsh colonists have 
left us unimpeachable testimony that they removed from Roanoke 
Island to Croatan. The Croatan of the early explorers and maps was 
a long, narrow, storm-beaten sandbank, incapable in itseK of sup- 
porting savage life, much less the lives of men and women living in 
the agricultural stage. It is not reasonable to suppose that the 
colonists would have gone from a fertile soil to a sterile one. It is 
probable, then, that in accordance with an understanding between 
each other, the Hatteras Indians having abandoned their residence 
on Croatan Island, and the Enghsh colonists having given up their 
settlements on Roanoke Island, both settled on the fertile peninsula 
of Dasamonguepeuk, which the Hatteras tribe had already claimed 
and partly occupied, but which they had not been able to defend 
against enemies. The name of their former place of residence fol- 
lowed the tribe, was apphed to their new home, and thus got into the 
later maps. If this theory is accepted, it is easy to see how the Hat- 
teras tribe may have come into communication with kindred tribes 
on the Chowan and Roanoke rivers, to which they seem to have 
gone at a later period. This is one end of the chain of evidence in 
this history of survivals. 

The other end of the chain is to be found in a tribe of Indians now 
living in Robeson County and the adjacent sections of North Carohna, 
and recognized officially by the State in 1885 as Croatan Indians, 
These Indians are beheved to be the Hneal descendants of the colo- 
nists left by John White on Roanoke Island in 1587. The migi-ations 
of the Croatan tribe from former homes farther to the east can be 
traced by their tradition. It is pretty clear that the tribe removed 
to their present home from former settlements on Black River, in 



60 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Sampson County. The time of their removal is uncertain; but all 
traditions point to a time anterior to the Tuscarora war in 1711, and 
it is probable that they were fixed in their present homes as early as 
1650.^ During the eighteenth century they occupied the country as 
far west as the Pee Dee, but their principal seats were on Lumber 
River, in Robeson County, and extended along it for twenty miles. 
They held their lands in common, and titles became known only on 
the approach of white men. The first known grant made to any 
member of this tribe is located on the Lowrie Swamp east of Lumber 
River, and was made by George II in 1732 to Henry Berry and James 
Lowrie.2 Another grant was made to James Lowrie in 1738. Tradi- 
tions point to still older deeds that are not known to now exist. The 
tribe has never ceased to be migi'atory in its disposition. For 
many years after the main body had settled in Robeson, scattered 
detachments would join them from their old homes farther to the 
east, while parts would remove farther toward the west. They are 
now to be found aU over western North Carolina, and many families 
there who have retained their purity of blood to such a degree that 
they can not be distinguished from white people are claimed by the 
tribe in Robeson. After the coming of the white people a part of 
th« tribe removed to the region of the Great Lakes, and their descend- 
ants are still living in Canada, west of Lake Ontario. At a later 
period another company went to the Northwest and became mcor- 
porated with a tribe near Lake Michigan. Some time before the 
war a party drifted to Ohio; one of them, Lewis Sheridan Leary, 
was in John Brown's party when he invaded Harper's Ferry in 1859, 
and was kiUed there October 17, 1859, while guarding John Brown's 
"fort." ^ In 1890 a party removed to Kansas. 

The Croatans fought under Colonel Barnwell against the Tusca- 
roras in 1711, and the tribe of to-day speak with pride of the stand 
taken by their ancestors under "Bunnul" for the cause of the whites.* 
In this war they took some of the Mattamuskeet Indians prisoners 
and made them slaves. Many of the Croatans were in the Continental 
Army; in the War of 1812 a company was mustered into the Army of 
the United States, and members of the tribe received pensions for 
these services within the memory of the present generation; they also 
fought in the armies of the Confederate States. Politically they have 
had Uttle chance for development. From 1783 to 1835 they had the 

I McMillan: Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony, p. 20. 

^ Ibid., p. 14. The deeds for these grants are still extant and are in the possession of Hon. D. P. McEachin, 
of Robeson County, North Carolina. 

3 The late Mr. John S. Leary wrote the author from Fayetteville, N. C, under date of July 22, 1891: 

"I do not know as to whether any considerable number of the 'Croatans' emigrated from the State at 
any time in a body. Quite a number who were connected with the Croatans in Robeson County left the 
State at different times. Senator Hiram R. Revels, his brothers, Willis B. & Absalom, and two sisters, 
some of the Oxendines, Learys, and Dials; I do not know the exact number. My father's mother was a 
Revels, born in Robeson County, was 2d cousin to Hiram. She married an Irishman named O'Leary. 
Father was born in Sampson County, on the Big Coharie, his parents having moved to that county. In 
1806 they came to Fayetteville, where father lived until he died, in 1880. Father came from the 'Croatan 
stock.' My mother was born in France, and was brought to this country by her parents in 1812. Father 
& mother were married in 1825. In 1857 my father sent my brother, Lewis Sheridan Leary, to Oberlin, 
Ohio. While there he formed an acquaintance with John Brown and went with him to Harper's Ferry in 
October, 1859. He was killed on the 17th day of October, 1859. while guarding what is now known as 
'John Brown's Fort.' I saw this fort for the first time in 1880. It is a small brick house. I have a grand 
uncle, my father's mother's brother, living now in the Croatan settlement in Robeson County, 108 years 
old. As soon as I can make it convenient to see him I will have a talk with him and put on paper whatever 
information I can get from him and give you the benefit of it." 

< The traditions of the tribe that they fought in the Tuscarora war are verified by the Colonial Records 
of North Carolina. In vol. ii., p. 129, we find an entry: "Whereas, report has been made to this board 
that the Hatteress Indyans have lately made their escape from the enemy Indyans," i. e., Tuscaroras. 
Again, on p. 171, we find: "Upon petition of the Hatterass Indyans praying some small relief from the 
country for their services," etc. 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 61 

right to vote, performed military duties, encouraged scliools, and 
built churches; but by the constituent convention of 1835 the franchise 
was denied to all "free persons of color," and to effect a pohtical 
purpose it was contended by both parties that the Croatans came 
under this catagory. The convention of 1868 removed this ban; 
but as they had long been classed as mulattoes they were obUged 
to patronize the negro schools. This they refused to do as a rule, 
preferring that their children should grow up in ignorance, for they 
hold the negro in utmost contempt/ and no greater insult can be given 
a Croatan than to call him ''a nigger." 

Finally, in 1885, through the efforts of Mi\ Hamilton McMillan, 
who has lived near them and knows their history, justice long de- 
layed was granted them by the General Assembly of North CaroUna. 
They were officially recognized as Croatan Indians; ^ separate schools 
were provided for them and intermarriage witli negroes was forbidden. 
Since this action on the part of the State they have become better 
citizens.^ 

They are almost luiiversally landowners, occupying about sixty 
thousand acres in Robeson County. They are industrious and frugal, 
and anxious to improve their condition. No two families occupy the 
same house, but each has its own estabhshment. 

They are found of all colors from black to white, and in some cases 
can not be distinguished from white people. They have the promi- 
nent cheek bones, the steel-gray eyes, the straight black hair of the 
Indian.* Those showing the Indian features most prominently have 
no beards; those in whom the white element predominates have 
beards. Their women are frequently beautiful; their movements are 
graceful, their dresses becoming, their figures superb. 

In religious inclinations they are Methodists and Baptists, and own 
sixteen churches. The State has provided them a normal school for 
the training of teachers, and this action will go very far toward their 
mental and moral elevation. Their schoolhouses have been built 
entirely by private means; they are all frame buildings, and are 
furnished far better than those for the negro race. Their school 
enrollment in Robeson County is 422, according to the report of the 
eleventh census, and they employ eighteen teachers. Their entire 
school popidation, from six to twenty-one years, will probably amount 
to eleven hundred. Their whole population in this county is about 
twenty-five hundred, and their connections in other counties will 
perhaps swell this number to five thousand. They are quick-witted, 
and are capable of development. Mr. John S. Leary, a prominent 
poHtician of Raleigh, and professor of law in Shaw University, was a 
member of the tribe, and one of their number has reached the Senate 
of the United States, for Hon. Hiram R. Revels, who was born m 

1 McMillan, Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony, 14-16. 

2 It has been suggested that the name "Croatan" was invented to strengthen the theory of their origin 
as here presented, but this is not the case. As 'we have seen, Croatan was the name of a locality and not of 
a tribe. The tribal name was Hattoras or Hatorask, or, as we now spell it, Hatteras. Laws'on calls the 
Indians by this name. Dr. Hawks remarks on the error of the explorers in calling them Croatans: and when 
the act of the North Carolina Assembly recognizing them as Croatans was read to them, an intelligent 
Indian remarked that he had always heard that they were called "Hattoras" Indians. — McMillan, p. 20. 

3 It is said by Mr. McMiUan, that after the North Carolina act of 18S7 went into effect the Croatans came 
near filling Liimberton jail with violators of law, the prosecutors in nearly all cases being Croatans. 

* A recent traveller amon^ the Croatans writes of one of them: " Where iii my life had I seen a handsomer 
man? The face was pure Greek in profile; the eyes steel blue, the figure of perfe<^t mould, and the man as 
easily graceful in his attitude as any gentleman in a drawing-room. I sat in my buggy talking with this 
man for an hour, finding him far above ordinary intelligence and full of information." That night the 
traveller learned that the handsome Croatan was a brother of the famous Henry Berry Lowxie. 



62 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

FayetteviUe, North Carolina, in 1822, and who was senator from 
Mississippi in 1870-71, is not a negro, but a Croatan Indian,^ 

This is the other end of the chain. To connect the two parts and 
show that the Croatan Indians of to-day are the descendants of the 
Hatteras Indians of 1587 and of the English colony left on Roanoke 
Island by John White in that year, we must examine, first, the 
evidence of historians and explorers on the subject; and, second, 
the traditions, character, and disposition, language, and family 
names of the Croatan Indians themselves. 

We hear no more of the colonists left on Roanoke Island from the 
departure of White in 1591 until the settlement at Jamestown. We 
then have four sources of information in regard to them. The first of 
these is John Smith's "True Relation," first published in 1608. The 
second is a rude map of the coast of Virginia and North Carolina, 
which had probably been sent to England by Capt. Francis Nelson 
in June, 1608. It was intended to illustrate Smith's "True Relation," 
was not drawn from surveys, nor is it based on any accurate knowl- 
edge of the coast, nor had the maker seen the map of the coast made 
by John White. It was drawn presumably to illustrate a story told 
by the Indians, and based on the information derived from them. It 
was sent in September, 1608, by Zuniga, the Spanish minister in Lon- 
don, to his master, Philip III, and is now first published in Mr. 
Alexander Brown's "Genesis of the United States." The third source 
is a pamphlet called "A True and Sincere Discourse of the Purpose 
and Ende of the Plantation begun in Virginia," published in 1610. 
The fourth is Strachey's "History of Travaile into Vn'ginia Britannia," 
ptibhshed by the Hakluyt Society in 1849. Strachey came to 
Virginia as early as 1610, and became secretary of the council. His 
history is put by Mr. R. H. Major, his editor, between 1612 and 1616. 

Captain Smith says in his "True Relation" that Opechancanough, 
one of the Indian kings, informed him "of certaine men cloathed at 
a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me." "The people cloathed 
at Ocamahowan, he also confirmed." Again: "We had agreed with 
the king of Paspahegh to conduct two of our men to a place called 
Panawicke, beyond Roonok, where he reported many men to be 
apparelled. "2 

The map illustrating this "Relation" shows three rivers which are 
probably intended to represent the Roanoke, the Tar, and the Neuse. 
On the south side of the Roanoke is a place called- Ocanahowan. 
On the upper waters of the Neuse is Pakrakanick, and near it the 
legend "Here remayneth 4 men clothed that came from Roonock to 
Ochanahowan." The peninsula known to the explorers of 1585 as 

■ At one time the Croatans were known as "Redbones," and there is a street in FayetteviUe so called 
because some of them once lived on it. They are known by this name in Sumpter Cotmty, S. C, where 
they are quiet and peaceable, and have a church 0/ their owti. They are proud and high-spirited, and 
caste is very strong among them. 

There is in Hancock Coimty, Tennessee, a tribe of people known by the local name of Malungeons or 
Melungeons. Some say they are a branch of the Croatan tribe, others that they are of Poituguese stock. 
They differ radically, however, in manners and customs from the accoimts which we have received of the 
Croatans (c/. 2 articles in The A rcna for 1891, by Miss Will Allen Dromgoole) . Mr. McMillan favors the view 
that they are a part of the colony of Roanoke, and on this question Mr. John M. Bishop, a native of East 
Tennessee, now living in Washington, writes to the author: "My theory is that they are a part of th^ lost 
colony of Roanoke. Your utterances at the recent meeting in this city on the subject of the Lost Colony 
of Roanoke [meeting of Amer. Hist. Assn., Dec. 31, 1890] were so nearly in line with my ideas in this 
matter that I now write to call your attention to the subject. . . . You will mark the fact that the 
Malungeons are located on Newman's Ridge and Black Water Creek in Hancock County, Tenn., directly 
in the path of ancient westward emigration. Dan Boon tramped all over this immediate section. . . . 
The Malungeons, drifting with the tide of early emigration, stranded on the borderland of the wilderness 
and remained there." 

2 Smith's Works, Arber's edition, 1884, pp. 17-23. See map on p. 83. 



INDIANS OP NOETH CAEOLINA. 63 

Dasamonguepeuk is called Pananiock, and the legend placed there 
says: "Here the king of Paspahege reported our men to be & wants 
to go." x4.t a pomt on the James the map says: "Here Paspehege 
and 2 of our men la,nded to go to Panaweock." This expedition set 
out in January or February, 1608, and failed because the Indian 
king played the villain. 

The managers of the Virginia Company in their "True and Sincere 
Declaration," referring to the Roanoke colony, say: "if with these 
[evils] we compare the advantages which we have gotten ... in 
the intelligence of some of our nation planted by Sir Walter Raleigh, 
yet a live, within fifty mile of our fort, who can open the womb and 
bowels of this country; as is testified by two of our colony sent out 
to seek them, who (though denied by the savages speech with them) 
found crosses and Letters the Characters and assured Testimonies of 
Christians newly cut in the barks of trees. "^ 

Strachey says : At Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen . . . the people 
have houses built with stone walls, and one story above another, so 
taught them by those EngHsh who escaped the slaughter at Roanoak, 
at what time this our colony, under the conduct of Captain Newport, 
landed within the Chesapeake Bay." Powhatan had been instigated 
to this massacre by his priests. Seven persons escaped, four men, 
two boys, and a young maid. These fiecl up the Chowan River and 
were preserved at Ritanoe by a chief named Eyanoco, and, in return 
for protection, began to teach the savages the arts of civilized life.^ 

We are to remember always that the reports of Indians are vague 
and indefinite. This is to be expected of an uneducated people, but 
while varying in detail the substance may be depended on as essen- 
tially true. The vagueness in these cases is further increased by the 
fact that the Enghsh knew httle from actual exploration of the 
regions involved. We are safe then in identifying: (1) Smith's Pana- 
wicke with the Pananiock and the Pananeock of the map. This is 
the name given to the territory known to the earher explorers as 
Dasamonguepeuk. (2) The Ochanahonan and Ocamahowan of 
Smith and the Ocanahowan of the map are identical with Strachey's 
Ochanahoen. (3) The Pakrakanick of the map is identical with 
Strachey's Peccarecamek. 

Taking these sources of information together and identifying the 
localities as we have done, it seems reasonable to conclude: (1) That 
about 1607 the colonists left on Roanoke Island in 1587, now inter- 
mixed with the Croatan Indians, were on the peninsula of Dasa- 
monguepeuk and that fresh traces of them were seen about this time 
by explorers sent out from Jamestown. (2) That they heard of the 
arrival of Captain Newport in Chesapeake Bay, and that some of 
them made an effort to reach the colony at Jamestown. It is not 
necessary to suppose that there was a general migration of the whole 
Croatan tribe toward the Chowan. We may conclude that most of 
the original colonists who were then alive and some of the half-breeds 
undertook the journey. They were met with hostility by the emis- 

1 Brown, Genesis ol the United States, i., 348. 

2 Strachey, pp. 50, IS5. The expression used by Strachey with reference to the colony on page 152, 
where he says it will Ite related "in due place in this decade," indicates that he had some additional infor- 
mation in regard to their fate, but it was not given. 



64 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

saries of Powhatan and some were slain. ^ (3) That others were pro- 
tected and saved by a chief named Eyanoco, who was probably 
connected in some way with the Croatan tribe, for we must remember 
that when Lane was exploring these regions in 1586 he found Indians 
whose language Manteo could understand without an interpreter. 
(4) That according to the map they traveled from the region of the 
Chowan and Roanoke Rivers to the country known on it as Pack- 
rakanick and to Strachey as Peccarecamek. This was probably on 
the upper waters of the Neuse, in what may now be Wayne and 
Lenoir Counties. It is probable that they were rejoined by those 
who had not undertaken the expedition toward Virginia, and from 
this point they could have passed easily into Sampson and Robeson 
Counties in conformity with their traditions, as related by Mr. 
McMillan. 

Smith's "Relation," the map, and Strachey all tend to strengthen 
and explain the testimony of the next historical reference we have to 
the tribe. This is by John Lederer, a German, who made some 
explorations in eastern North Carolina, perhaps in the region south 
of the Roanoke River, in 1669-70. He mentions a powerful nation 
of bearded men two and one-half days' journey to the southwest, 
''which I suppose to be the Spaniards, because the Indians never 
have any" [beards].^ Dr. Hawks thinks that these "bearded men" 
may have been the settlers on the Cape Fear, but we know that this 
colony was disbanded in 1667. We have no records of any Spanish 
settlements as far north as this; and according to Mr. McMillan 
(p. 20), the mongrel tribe now known as Croatan Indians were occu- 
pying their present homes as early as 1650. The statement of Lederer 
can only refer to the Croatan tribe. 

The next account we have of them is in 1704, when Rev. John 
Blair, then traveling as a missionary through the Albemarle settle- 
ments, tells of a powerful tribe of Indians living to the south of what 
is now Albemarle Sound, "computed to be no less than 100,000, 
many of which live amongst the English, and all, as I can understand, 
a very civilized people." ^ This account is very vague and indefinite, 
and the numbers are largely overestimated; but it can refer to no 
other tribe than the Croatans. They were then living southwest of 
Pamlico Sound and they alone had had civilized influences to bear 
upon them. 

The next reference to the tribe is more definite. John Lawson, 
the first historian of North Carolina, explored all the region southwest 
of Pamlico Sound. He was thoroughly acquainted with the Indians 
in those sections. In writing of the Roanoke settlements he says: 
"A farther confirmation of this [the settlements of Raleigh] we have 
from the Hatteras (Croatan) Indians, who lived on Ronoack Island, 
or much frequented it. These tell us that several of their ancestors 
were white people and could talk in a book as we do; the truth of 
which is confirmed by gray eyes being frequently found amongst these 
Indians and no others. They value themselves extremely for their 

1 Purchas says Powhatan confessed to Smith that he had been present at the slaughter of the English. 
But this account did not seem satisfactory to Smith, for he says in his condensation of White's narrative 
for his General History of Virginia: "And thus we left seeking our colony, that was never any of them 
found or seen to this day, 1622." This shows that Strachey's account was not known in 1609, when Smith 
had given up the search and returned to England. — Ajber's edition, 1884, p. 331. 

> Hawks, History of North Carolina, ii, 50. 

3 Colonial Records of North Carolina, i, 603. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 65 

aflflnity to the English, and are ready to do them all friendly offices. 
It is probable that this settlement miscarried for want of timely sup- 
pHes from England; or through the treachery of the natives, for we 
may reasonably suppose that the Enghsh were forced to cohabit with 
them for rehef and conservation; and that in process of time they 
conformed themselves to the manners of their Indian relations; and 
thus we see how apt human nature is to degenerate.'^ ^ Lawson 
wrote these words not later than 1709, as his book was first pubhshed 
in that year. It is impossible for the story told by him to be a tradi- 
tion not founded on the truth, for he wrote within one hundred and 
twenty years of the original settlements at Roanoke, and he may have 
talked with men whose grandfathers had been among the original 
colonists. 

The next witnesses in this chain of evidence are the early settlers 
in the Cape Fear section of North Carolina. Scotch settlements 
were made in Fayetteville as early as 1715.^ In 1730 Scotchmen 
began to arrive in what is now Richmond County, and French 
Huguenots were at the same time pressing up from South Carohna. 
The imiversal tradition among the descendants of these settlers is 
that their ancestors found a large tribe of Indians located on Lumber 
River, in Robeson County, who were tilling the soil, owning slaves, 
and speaking English. The descendants of this tribe are Imown to 
be the Croatan Indians of to-day. 

We see, then, that the historical arguments which tend to identify 
the Croatans of to-day as the descendants of the colonists of 1587 
possess an historical continuity from 1591 to the present time. 
There is also a threefold internal argument based (1) on the tradi- 
tions of the Croatan Indians of to-day; (2) from their character and 
disposition; (3) from their forms of language and family names. 

I. Traditions. — The Croatan Indians believe themselves to be the 
descendants of the colonists of 1587, and boast of their mixed EngUsh 
and Indian blood. They always refer to eastern North Carohna as 
Virginia, and say their former home was in Roanoke, in Virginia, 
which means the present counties of Dare, Tyrrell, Hyde, Craven, 
Carteret, and Jones, and of this residence their traditions are suffi- 
ciently clear. They say that they held communication with the 
east long after their removal toward the west, and one of these 
parties may have met Lawson about 1709. They know that one of 
their leaders was made Lord of Roanoke and went to England, but 
his name has been lost, the nearest approach to it being in the forms 
Maino and Mainor. They have a word "mayno," which means a 
very quiet, law-abiding people; and this, by a kind of metonomy, 
may be a survival of Manteo. When an old chronicler was told the 
story of Virginia Dare he recognized it, but her name is preserved 
only as Darr, Durr, Dorr. They say that, according to their tradi- 
tions, Mattamuskeet Lake, in Hyde County, is a burnt lake, and so 
it is; but they have no traditions in regard to Roanoke River. They 
say, also, that some of the earlier settlers intermarried with them, 
and this may explain the presence of such names among them as 
Chavis (Cheves), Goins (O'Guin), Leary (O'Leary). 

» Lawson, History of North Carolina (ed. 1860), pp. 108, 109. 

« A house pulled down on Person Street, in Fayetteville, in 1889, fixes this date. This places the first 
settlements in this section at an earUer date than has been assigned them hitherto. (H. McMillan, in a 
letter to the writer.) 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 5 



66 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

II. Character and disposition. — These Indians are hospitable to 
strangers and are ever ready to do a favor for the white people. 
They show a fondness for gay colors, march in Indian file, live retired 
from highways, never forget a kindness, an injury, nor a debt. They 
are the best of friends and the most dangerous of enemies. They are 
reticent until their confidence is gained, and when aroused are perfect 
devils, exhibiting aU the hatred, malice, cunning, and endurance of 
their Indian ancestors.^ At the same time they are remarkably clean 
in their habits, a characteristic not found in the pure-blooded Indian. 
Physicians who practice among them say they never hesitate to sleep 
or eat in the house of a Croatan. They are also great road builders, 
something unknown to the savage. They have some of the best 
roads in the State, and by this means connect their more distant set- 
tlements with those on Lumber River. One of these, the Lowrie 
road, has been open for more than a hundred years, and is still in use. 
It extends southwest from Fayetteville, through Cumberland and 
Eobeson counties, to a settlement on the Pee Dee. It was over this 
road that a special courier bore to General Jackson in 1815 the news 
of the treaty of Ghent. 

III. Language and Family Names. The speech of the Croatansis 
very pure English; no classical terms are used. It differs from that 
of the whites and from that of the blacks among whom they live. 
They have preserved many forms in good use three hundred years 
ago, but which are now obsolete in the written language and are found 
only in colloquial and dialectical English. They drawl the penult or 
final syllable in every sentence. They begin their salutations with 
"mon-n-n," which means man. This seems to be frequently used 
much in the sense of the German mann sagt, or the French on dit, 
their traditions usually beginning: ''Mon, my fayther told me that 
his fayther told him," etc. They retain the parasitic (glide) y, which 
was an extremely common development in Anglo-Saxon, in certain 
words through the palatal influence of the previous consonant, 
pronouncing cow as cy-ow, cart as cy-art, card as c^-ard, girl as gy-irl, 
kind as ky-ind. The voiceless form wliing is retained instead of the 
voiced wing. They have but two sounds for a, the short a being 
changed into o before nasals and representing Anglo-Saxon open o 
in mon. They use the northern lovand in place of the later hybrid 
loving. The Irish fayther is found for father. The dialectical 

1 A fearful illustration of this spirit was shown in the career of Henry Berry Lowrie, "the great North 
Carolina bandit." In February, 1864, the Home Guard of Robeson County found Allen and William 
Lowrie, the father and brother of Henry Berry, guilty of receiving stolen goods, tried them by court-martial 
and executed them under military law. The execution awakened the desire for revenge in the remaining 
brothers, and under the leadership of Henry Berry Lowrie they defied for ten years the authority of the 
county, the State, the Confederacy, and the United States. They killed the best men in the section, some 
lor plimder, some for revenge, and some in self-defense. Henry Berry Lowrie was twenty-six at the time of 
his death, and in physique was aperfect Apollo. His countenance expressed the highest degree of firmness 
courage, and decision of character. His forehead was high, broad, and massive; his eyes were a grayisli 
hazel, his hair was straight and black, his chest was deep and broad; he was five feet ten inches high 
weighed one hundred and fifty pounds, and was as elastic as rubber. He was always completely armed; 
in a belt he carried five long-range, six-barreled revolvers; a Henry rifle carrying sixteen cartridges was 
suspended at his back; a long knife and a double-barreled shotgim were found in his hands. His armament 
weighed not less than eighty pounds, but with it he could run, swim, bear weeks of exposure in the swamps, 
and travel by day and by night to an extent which would have killed a white man or negro. He slept on 
his arms, never seemed tired, and was never taken by surprise. During his long career of outlawry he 
was never untrue to a promise, never committed arson, nor insulted a white woman. A reward of ten 
thousand dollars was placed on his head; he was hunted by night and by day, but eluded all his pursuers, 
and perished on Feb. 20, 1872, from the accidental discharge of his gim. After the death of the chief the 
band lost much of the terror of its name, and two years later the last outlaw was slain. ( Cf. The Lowrie 
History, as Acted in Part by Henry Berry Lowrie, the Great North Carolina Bandit, with Biographical 
Sketches of his Associates, by Mrs. Mary C. Norment, Wilmington, 1875. This book was viritten by 
Joseph B. McCallum; the chapter on the genealogy of the tribe is "notoriously unreliable"; it makes them 
all descendants of James Lowrie, who came to Robeson County from Virginia in 1769.) 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 67 

J earns is found in place of James. They regularly use mon for man; 
mension for measurement; ales for ask; hit for it; Jiosen for hose; 
Tiousen for houses; crone is to push down and wit means knowledge.^ 

The strongest evidence of all is furnished us by the family names 
of the Croatan Indians of to-day. John White, in his account of the 
settlement of 1587, has left us "the names of all the men, women, 
and children which safely arrived in Virginia and remained to inhabit 
there." These settlers were one hundred and seventeen in number, 
and had ninety-five different surnames; out of these surnames forty- 
one, or more than forty-three per cent, including such names as 
Dare, Cooper, Stevens, Sampson, Harvie, Howe, Cage, Willes, 
Gramme, Viccars, Berry, Chapman, Lasie, and Chevin, which a.re 
now rarely met with in North CaroUna, are reproduced by a tribe 
living hundreds of miles from Roanoke Island, and after a lapse of 
three hundred years.^ The chroniclers of the tribe say that the 
Dares, the Coopers, the Harvies, and others retained their purity of 
blood and were generally the pioneers in emigration. And still more 
remarkable evidence is furnished us by the fact that the traditions 
of every family bearing the name of one of the lost colonists point 
to Roanoke Island as the home of their ancestors. 

To summarize: Smith and Strachey heard that the colonists of 
1587 were still alive about 1607. They were then living on the pen- 
insula of Dasamonguepeuk, whence they traveled toward the region 
of the Chowan and Roanoke Rivers. From this point they traveled 
toward the southwest and settled on the upper waters of the Neuse. 
John Lederer heard of them in this direction in 1670, and remarked 
on their beards, which were never worn by full-blooded Indians. 
Rev. John Blair heard of them in 1704. John Lawson met some of 
the Croatan Indians about 1709 and was told that their ancestors 
were white men. White settlers came into the middle section of 
North Carolina as early as 1715 and found the ancestors of the pres- 
ent tribe of Croatan Indians tilling the soil, holding slaves, and 
speaking English. The Croatans of to-day claim descent from the lost 
colony. Their habits, disposition, and mental characteristics show 
traces both of Indian and Eiu-opean ancestry. Their language is the 
English of three hundred years ago, and their names are in many 
cases the same as those borne by the original colonists. No other 
theory of their origin has been advanced, and it is confidently believed 
that the one here proposed is logically and historically the best, sup- 
ported as it is both by external and internal evidence. If this theory 
is rejected, then the critic must explain in some other way the origin 
of a people which, after the lapse of three hundred years, show the 
characteristics, speak the language, and possess the family names of 
the second English colony planted in the western world. 

1 The student of language will be interested in a paper on Early English Survivals on Hatteras 
Island, published by Prof. Collier Cobb, in which he points out the persistence of obsolete forms of speech 
Btill found among the "bankers " of the North Carolina coast and suggests that these people may themselves 
be connected with the Lost Colonj'. 

2 Dr. Hawks reprints (History of North Carolina, i., 211, from Hakluyt) this list of names. Mr 
McMillan has compared it with the names of the Croatans, and, according to his authority, those writtei 
below in italics are now found among the Croatans. See p. 54. 



68 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE LOST COLONY. 

Baxter, James Phinney. — Raleigh's Lost Colony. New England Magazine, Jan., 
1895, V, 565-587. ills. 

Burnett, Swan M., M. D. — ^A note on the Melungeons. Amer. Anthropologist, 
Oct., 1889. 
Also as separate, pp. 3. 

Cobb, Collier. — Early English SurAdvals on Hatteras Island. North Carolina Book- 
let, Oct., 1914, xiv, 91-99. 
There are also various other earlier editions. 

Dromgoole, Miss Will Allen. — The Malungeons. Arena March, 1891. iii, 
470-479. ill. 

An unsympathetic article giving some account of their history, maimers, and customs. 
The Malungeon tree and its four branches. Arena, May, 1891, iii, 745-751'. 

Historical and genealogical. 

McMillan, Hamilton. — Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony. An historical sketch of 
the attempts of Sir Walter Raleigh to establish a colony in Virginia with the tra- 
ditions of an Indian tribe in North Carolina indicating the fate of the colony of 
Englishmen left on Roanoke Island in 1587. Wilson, N. C, 1888. D. pp. 29. 

Same. Revised edition. Raleigh [1907.]. 0. pp. 46. 

The Croatans. North Carolina Booklet, Jan., 1911, x, 115-121. 

Melton, Frances Jones. — Croatans: the lost colony of America. Mid-Continent 
Magazine, July, 1895, vi, 195-202. ills. 

NoRMENT, Mrs. Mart C. — The Lowrie history. Wilmington, 1875. O. pp. 161. 
Written by Joseph B. McCallum. 

Reprinted in Charlotte (N. C.) Sunday Observer, March 19, 26, April 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, May 7, 14, 21, 
28, June i, 11, 1905. 

Another edition, Weldon, N. C, c. 1895. D. pp. 140, 

— Another edition. Lumberton, N. C, 1909. pp. 192. 

Contains article on the subject of the Croatans first published by Col. F. A. Olds about 1887. 

Perry, Wm. Stevens. — The first Christian born in Virginia. Iowa Churchman, 
Jan. and Feb., 1893. 

TowNSEND, George Alfred (Gath). The Swamp Outlaws: or, the North Carolina 
bandits. New York [1872]. 0. pp. [2]+]9]— 84. ills. 
A catch-penny reissue of letters sent to the New York Herald. 

Weeks, Stephen B. — -Raleigh's Settlements on Roanoke Island. An historical 
survival. Magazine of American History, Feb., 1891, xxv, 127-139, 2 ills. 

— — The Lost Colony of Roanoke: Its fate and survival. Papers of the American 
Historical Association, 1891. v, 439-480. 

• • Same article reprinted as separate. New York, 1891. 0. pp. 42. 

Same article summarized in Annual Report of American Historical Association, 

1890, 97-98. 

Arguments of the article reprinted in Tom Watson's Jeffersonian Magazine, 

July, 1911, xiii, 192-201. 

Wilson, E. Y. — Lost Colony of Roanoke. Canadian Magazine, April, 1895, iv, 500. 



EXHIBIT CCC 
EXTRACT FROM HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

[By Samuel A'Court Ashe.] 

Chapter I. 

REFERENCES TO THE COLONY, 1591-1709. 



Whereas as I wrote unto yow in my last that I was goun to 
Weymouth to speak with a pinnes of mine arrived from Virginia, 
I found this bearer, Captayne Gilbert, ther also, who went on the 
same voyage. But myne fell 40 leaugs to the west of it, and this 
bearer as much to the east; so as neither of them spake with the 
peopell. But I do sende both the barks away agayne, having saved 
the charg in sarsephraze woode; but this bearer bringing sume 
2200 waight to Hampton, his adventurers have taken away their 
parts and brought it to London. I do therefore humblie pray yow 
to deal withe my Lord Admirale for a letter to make seasure of all 
that which is come to London, either by his Lordship's octoretye 
or by the Judge: because I have a patent that all shipps and goods 
are confiscate that shall trade their without my leve. And whereas 
Sassaphraze was worth 10s., 12s. and 20s. per pound before Gilbert 
returned, his cloying of the market, will overthrow all myne and 
his own also. He is contented to have all stayde: not only for this 
present; but being to go agayne, others will also go and destroy the 
trade, which otherwise would yield 8 or 10 for one, in certainty and 
a return in XX weeks. * * * Letter of Sir Walter Raleigh to 
Sir Robert Cecil. Aug. 21, 1602 Edwards' Life of Raleigh, II, 25L) 

I beseich yow, favor our right: and yow shall see what a prety, 
honorabell and sauf trade wee will make. 
Yours ever to serve yow, 

W. Ralegh. 

[WUliam Strachey was secretary of the colony of Virginia, and 
his "Historic of Travaile into Virginia Britannia" was apparently 
written after the colony had been seated at Jamestown six years — 
in 1613.] 

The men, women and children of the first plantation at Roanoke 
were by practize and commandment of Powhatan (he himself 
persuaded thereunto by his priests) miserably slaughtered, without 
any offense given him, either by the first planted (who twenty and 
od years had peaceably lyved intermyxed with those Savages and 
were out of his territory) or by those who nowe are come to inhabit 
some parte of his desarte lands. (1613. William Strachey's 
Travaile into Virginia, 85.) 



70 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Southward they [Newport's exploring party] went to some parts 
of Chowanook and the Mangoangs, to search there those left by 
Sir Walter Raleigh, which parts —to the towne of Chesepeak — hath 
formerly been discovered by Mr. Harriott and Sir Ralph Lane. 

The high land is in all likelihoodes, a pleasant tract, and the 
mould fruitful, especially what may lye to the Southward, where 
at Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen by the relation of Machumps,^ the 
people have houses built with stone walls, and one story above 
another, so taught them by the English who escaped the slaughter at 
Roanoke, at which time this our Colony, under the conduct of Captain 
Newport, landed within the Chesepeake Bay, where the people breed 
up tame turkeys about their houses, and take apes in the mountains, 
and where at Ritanoc the Weroance Eyanoco preserved seven of the 
English alive, four men, and two boys and one young mayde (who 
escaped and fled up the river of Choanook) to beat his copper, etc. 
(Strachey, 26.) 

[Powhatan] seems to command south and north from the IVTango- 
angs and Chowanoaks, bordering upon Roanoke and the old Virginia, 
a town pallisadode standing at the north end of the bay. (Strachey, 
48.) 

He doth often send unto us to temporize with us, awaiting perhaps 
a fit opportunity (mflamed by his furious and bloody priests) to 
offer us a taste of the same cup which he made our poor countrymen 
drink of at Roanoke. 

[In "The True and Sincere Declaration" made by the governor 
and councillors of the Jamestown settlement in December, 1609 — 
they speak of having] intelligence of some of our nation planted 
by Sir Walter Raleigh, yet alive, within fifty miles of our fort, who 
can open the womb and bowels of this country; as is testified by 
two of our Colony sent out to seek them, who (though denied by 
the savages speech with them) found Crosses and Letters, the Char- 
acters and assured Testimonies of Christians, newly cut in the barks 
of trees.. (Brown's Genesis, I, 349.) 

[The discovery of these characters recently cut in the barlcs of 
trees at that time locates some of Raleigh's colony within fifty miles 
of Jamestown in 1608. The narrative continues:] 

What he knew of the Dominions, he spared not to acquaint me 
with, as of certain men cloathed at a place called Ochanahonan, 
cloathed like me. 

[And again:] We had agreed with the King of Paspehegh to con- 
duct two of our men to a place called Panawicke, beyond Roanoke 
wliere he reported many men to be apparelled. We landed him at 
Warraskoyack, where playing the villain and deluding us for rewarde, 
returned within three or four days after, without going further. 

[Smith sent from Warraskoyack, Master Scitlemore and two guides 
to seek for the Lost Colony of Sir Walter Raleigh. (Smith's True 
Relation.) 

Alexander Brown has found and embodied in his work a rude 
drawing sent by Francis Nelson from Virginia in 1608 to illustrate 
Smith's "True Relation," and the same year sent to Spain from 
London. (Brown's Genesis, I, 184. February, 1608.) 

lAn Indian of Powhatan's tribe who had been to England. 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 71 

On this map, on the Chowan, or on the Nottoway, faUing mto the 
Chowan River, Ochanahonan is placed: and on the Tar, or upper 
Pamhco River, " Pakrakanick " is located: and near it is a legend: 
"Here remayneth 4 men clothed that came from Roanoak to Ochana- 
honan." Between the Chowan and the Moratoc (Roanoke River) 
on this map is a legend: "Here the King of Paspehegh reported our 
men to be, and wants to go." And that region is marked "Pananiock." 

On the map, the point Warraskoyack, from which Master Scitle- 
more and two guides started, and where Smith landed "the King 
of Paspehegh to conduct two of our men to a place called Pana- 
wicke, beyond Roanoke," is on a stream that probably is intended 
to represent Nansemond River. (December, 1608.) 

This map was drawn on the relation of some Indian. The Indians 
of the James River had no connection with those farther south. 
Powhatan's jurisdiction did not extend over the Chowanists or the 
Mongoaks. The Indian who gave the information on which the 
drawing was based probably had but little familiarity with the 
localities, knowing about the rivers but nothing of the coast. He 
loiew that the first river was the Chowan and its tributaries; that 
the next was the Moratoc, and that farther on there was a third — 
the Tar. He probably knew nothing of the sounds. He placed the 
chief to^vn of the Chowan Indians on the northeast side of the Chowan 
River, and Ochanahonan on the other side. It seems to the author 
of this work that Ochanahonan is probably the town called by 
Lane Ohanoak. On DeBry's map this town is placed above the town 
of Chowanoak, but in Lane's narrative it is located below that town. 

The Indian account places Pananiock, where White's colony set- 
tled, between the Moratoc and the Chowan rivers, but as the Indian 
was probably not acquainted with the waters of the sound, and only 
knew that the Moratoc discharged itself some distance below the 
Chowan, he inaccurately indicates that both emptied into the ocean. 
In that he was mistaken; but he probably was correct in locating 
the settlement north of the Moratoc River. It was between the 
mouth of the Moratoc and the Chowan that Lane observed the 
"goodly highlands," and that location being substantially "fifty miles 
in the interior" from Roanoke Island, it is there we would expect to 
find the place of permanent settlement. And it is there that the 
Indian relation places it. 

After the massacre, "four men and two boys and one young 
mayde" escaped and fled up the river of Chowanoak, and were 
preserved by the Weroance at Ritanoe. This flight could have been 
readily made from a point north of the Moratoc River. It is also 
stated that four men came to Ochanahonan. If there were still other 
fugitives than those preserved at Ritanoe, their journey through 
the woods would also indicate that Pananiock was on the north of 
the Moratoc] 

LAWSON's SUGGESTIONS. 

The first discovery and settlement of this country was by the 
procurement of Sir Walter Raleigh, in conjunctton with some public 
spirited gentlemen of that age, under the protection of Queen 
Elizabeth; for which reason it was then named Virginia, which 
begun on that part caUed Roanoke Island, where the ruins of a 



72 INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 

fort are to be seen at this day as well as some old English coins 
which have been lately found, and a brass gun, a powder horn and 
one small quarter-deck gun made of iron staves, which method 
of making guns might very probably be made use of in those days 
for the convenience of infant colonies. (Lawson's History of North 
Carolina, 108.) 

A further confirmation of this we have from the Hatteras Indians 
who either then lived on Roanoke Island or much frequented it. 
These tell us that several of their ancestors were white people and 
could talk in a book as we do: the truth of which is confirmed by 
gray eyes being found frequently amongst these Indians and no 
others. 

They value themselves extremely for their affinity to the Enghsh 
and are ready to do them all friendly offices. It is probable that this 
settlement miscarried for want of timely supplies from England, 
or through the treachery of the natives: for we may reasonably 
suppose that the English were forced to cohabit with them for rehef 
and conversation: and that in process of time, they conformed 
themselves to the manners of their Indian relations; and thus we 
see how apt human nature is to degenerate. 

THE HATTERAS INDIANS. 

[The Hatteras Indians in 1585 were not under the same govern- 
ment as the savages on the mainland. They were a different tribe; 
and they were so few in numbers and so poor that when Lane was 
making a counterplot against Pemisapan and pretended that he was 
going to make a journey to Croatoan, he asked to be furnished 
with men to hunt for him while there, and with four days' pro- 
visions to last during his stay. No subsistence could be gotten 
from the Croatoans. A century later, in Lawson's time, that tribe 
had but sixteen fighting men, and even if all of these had a strain of 
English blood in them, their white ancestors might have been but 
a very small fraction of the English colonists. The tribe was stiU 
further reduced during the Indian War of 1711-15, when it 
adhered to the EngUsh. It fingered about its old home, suffering 
the fate of other smaU tribes, graduaUy becoming extinct. In 1763 
some of the Hatteras and Mattamuskeet Indians were still living on 
the coast of Hyde, where a reservation had been set apart for them. 
Because names borne by some of the colonists have been found 
among a mixed race in Robeson County, now caUed Croatans, an 
inference has been drawn that there was some connection between 
them. (C. R., VI, 995.) It is highly improbable that Engfish 
names would have been preserved among a tribe of savages beyond 
the second generation, there being no communication except with 
other savages. If English names had existed among the Hatteras 
Indians in Lawson's time, he probably would have mentioned it as 
additional evidence corroborating his suggestion deduced from some 
of them having gray eyes, and from their valuing themselves on their 
affinity to the English. It is also to be observed that nowhere 
among the Indians were found houses or tified lands or other evi- 
dences of improvement on the customs and manners of the aborigi- 
nes. When this mixed race was first observed by the early settlers 
of the upper Cape Fear, about 1735, it is said that they spoke English, 



INIHAFS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 73 

cultivated land, lived in substantial houses, and otherwise practised 
the arts of civihzed life, being in these respects different from any 
Indian tribe. In 1754 they were described as being on "Drowning 
Creek, on the head of Little Peedee, fifty famihes, a mixed crew, a 
lawless people, possessed the lands without patent or paying quit 
rents; shot a surveyor for coming to view vacant lands, being 
enclosed in great swamps." (C. R., V, 161.) From that time to 
the present these people have remained in their settlement on 
Drowning Creek. It is worthy of remark that in 1754 they were not 
considered Indians, for the railitary officers of Bladen County par- 
ticularly reported that there were no Indians in that county. What- 
ever may have been their origin and the origin of their English 
names, neither their names nor their Enghsh manners and customs 
could have been perpetuated from the time of the Lost Colony 
without exciting some remark on the part of explorers, or historians. 
Apparently that community came into being at a later date. Yet 
it is to be observed that many persons believe them to be the descend- 
ants of the Lost Colony; and the Legislature has officially designated 
them as "Croatans," and has treated them as Indians.^] 



Chapter III. 

lane's colony, 1585-86. 

Lane's colony. — ^Arrival at Wokokon. — Secotan visited. — Aquascogoc burned by 
Grenville. — Disembarkation at Hattorask. — Settlement at Roanoke. — Fort 
Raleigh. — Explorations. — Manteo friendly. — Wancbese hostile. — The peril of 
famine. — Lane penetrates the Chowanoak; seizes Skyco; ascends the Moratoc. — 
Food exhausted. — The Indian conspiracy. — The hostiles gather at Dasamonque- 
peuc. — Lane strikes a blow and secures safety. — The arrival of Drake. — The 
departure of the colonists. — Arrival of Grenville's fleet. — Fifteen men left to hold 
possession. 

THE FIRST COLONY. 

Hastening to lay the foundations of a regal domain and with an 
eager anticipation of rich returns from his commercial dealings. Sir 
Walter now prepared a second expedition, which was to transport a 
hundred colonists for settlement in Virginia. Provisions were col- 
lected for a year's subsistence, by which time a new supply was to 
be furnished. The colonists were to be under the authority of Ralph 
Lane, as governor, who was chosen for this important post because 
he had already given the world assurance of his bravery, capacity, 
and resourcefulness. Among the enterprising men of that day he 
ranked high for energy, courage and versatile powers. Barlow, who, 
years before, had served with Raleigh in Flanders, was again to be 
with the party, and was to remain in Virginia as admiral; while Cav- 
endish, afterward famous as a bold and skillful navigator, Thomas 
Hariot, highly distinguished as a mathematician and scientist, and 
John White, whose maps and admirable sketches, made in Virginia, 
are still extant, and who was deeply interested in the work of coloni- 
zation, were likewise members of the company. At length, the prepa- 
rations being completed, a fleet of seven vessels, all smaU, however, 

1 The subject of the connection of these Croatans with the colonists has been ably discussed by Mr, 
Hamilton McMillan and by Dr. Stephen B. Weeks, who maintain that view with much plausibility. 



74 IKDIAKS OP NOETH CAEOLHSTA. 

and capable of entering the inlets of the Virginia sounds, under the 
command of Sir Richard Grenville, a kinsman of Sir Walter Raleigh, 
and famous for his skill and bravery, set sail from Plymouth on April 9, 
1585. After various adventures that caused delay, the fleet passed 
the Cape Fear on June 23 d, and two days later came to anchor at 
Wokokon, now known as Ocracoke, southwest of Cape Hatteras. 
One of the vessels, under Captain Raymond, had, however, preceded 
the others, and having reached the vicinity twenty days earlier, had 
disembarked thirty-two men at Croatoan, a part of the sandbanks 
nearer the cape, that island also being called the "Admiral's Island," 
and Cape Hatteras itself was known as Cape Amadas. 

EXPLORATION ON THE MAINLAND. 

Some ten days were spent in examining the vicinity, and then, on 
July 11th, a considerable party embarked in four large boats, and 
taking provisions for eight days, passed over to the mainland, bor- 
dering on Pamlico Sound. They visited the Lidian town of Pomeiok, 
and the great lake, Paquipe, and the town of Aquascogoc, and then 
Secotan, and explored the rivers of that region. Durmg the expedition 
an Indian at Aquascogoc stole a silver cup from Sir Richard Grenville, 
and not restoring it, according to promise, Sir Richard went back 
from Secotan to that town for the purpose of regaining it; but the 
Indians had fled. So Sir Richard, to punish the theft, burned and 
spoiled their corn, which set those savages at enmity mth the English. 

Having gained some famiharity v/ith those southern parts, the 
admiral weighed anchor, and turning the cape, reached Hattorask 
Inlet, having previously advised King Wingina at Roanoke Island 
of their coming. The colonists were accomipanied by Manteo and 
Wanchese. The former had been strengthened in his friendship for 
the Enghsh, but the latter, whether because of apprehensions of their 
gi^eat power, which he had beheld in England, or because he belonged 
to that tribe on the Pamlico whose corn Sir Richard had destroyed, 
displayed an unfriendly disposition toward them. Arriving at Hat- 
torask, the settlers disembarked on August 17th, and landed on 
Roanoke Island. Who now can enter fuUy into the feelings of those 
first adventurers, who in that summer time made their lodgment in 
the New World! The unknown country, the placid waters of the 
great sound, the delightful atmosphere and brilliant sunshine, and 
their difficult intercourse with the untutored savages who gathered 
around them — with their strange color, manners, and customs — and 
themselves so far removed from their distant homes — must have been 
constant subjects of reflection, mingling pleasure and apprehension, 
gratifying their spirit of adventure, and fostering hopes of personal 
reward, but ever startling them, with the extreme novelty of their 
situation. A week after the landing Grenville took his departure, 
leaving the colonists established on Roanoke Island. 

FORT RALEIGH ON ROANOKE ISLAND. 

Lane at once began the erection of dwelling houses at a convenient 
point on the northern end of the island, and constructed a fort there, 
which he called Fort Raleigh; and from there excursions were made 
in every direction to get a better acquaintance with the country and 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 75 

its products. To the southward they went eighty miles to Secotan, 
that lay near the mouth of the Neuse; to the north they reached the 
Chesipeans, some fifteen miles inland from the head of Currituck 
Sound, and temporarily a small number of the English estabhshed 
themselves in that region. From these Indians, as well as from infor- 
mation derived from those on the Chowan, Lane learned that there 
was a larger and better harbor not far distant to the northward. On 
the west they penetrated to Chowanoak, a large Indian town on the 
Chowan River, and in that region they found an Indian sovereign, or 
Weroance, who ruled about eight hundred warriors, having subject 
to him eighteen to\^Tis. These towns, however, never consisted of 
more than thirty houses, and generally of only ten or twelve. The 
houses were made vnth. small poles fastened at the top, the sides being 
covered with bark, and usually about twenty feet long, although some 
were forty and fifty feet, and were divided into separate rooms. 

In these explorations the colonists ascended the various rivers 
emptying into the sound, and became familiar with the adjacent 
country. Hariot devoted himself to the study of the natural history 
of the region and wrote a valuable account of the animals, the vege- 
tables, the plants, and the trees found there, and White made many 
sketches that are still preserved in the British Museum. 

FAMINE THEEATENS THE COLONISTS. 

Among the savages, Ensinore, the old father of Wingina and 
Granganimeo, and Manteo were friendly with the v^iite strangers; 
but the other chieftains were not favorable to them, although their 
bearing was not openly hostile. Granganimeo unfortunately died 
shortly after the arrival of the colonists, and upon that event Wingina, 
the king, according to some usage, took the name of Pemisapan, and 
as time passed he began to intrigue against the Enghsh, in which he 
was joined by Wanchese, Terraquine, Osacan, and other head men 
of the Indians. Relying on an additional suppl}^ of provisions by 
Easter, the colonists had been improvident, and by spring had 
exhausted their stock, and the planting time of vegetables and corn 
had hardly come when they found themselves without food. Their 
reUance now, temporarily at least, was on the corn of the Indians, 
and that was difficult to obtain. Their situation had become one of 
peril, especially as the Indians were reluctant to supply them. 
Pemisapan, understanding their difficulties, and at heart their enemy, 
now warily devised a plan for their destruction. He instilled into 
the Chowanists and into the Mangoaks, a strong and warhke tribe 
inhabiting the region on the Moratoc, or Roanoke River, that the 
English were their enemies; and then he informed Lane that the 
Mangoaks had much corn and that there were rich mines of gold 
and copper and other minerals in their country, and that they pos- 
sessed stores of pearls and precious stones. This appealed strongly 
to Lane's cupidity, and he eventuaUy determined to visit them, and 
appUed to Pemisapan for guides, and three Indians besides Manteo 
were assigned to accompany hun. So m March Lane set out on his 
expedition, taking the pinnace and two smaUer boats, with some 
50 or GO men. He visited aU the towns on the water's edge, and v»'as 
especially pleased with some high land seen before reaching Chowan- 
oak, subject to that king, where there was a goodly cornfield and a 



76 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

town called Ohanoak. Arriving at Chowanoak, he found a consider- 
able assemblage there, the King Menatonon and his people being 
under apprehension that the English were enemies to them. Although 
Lane as a precautionary measure seized the person of the king and 
his young son, Skyco, he, nevertheless, was able to disarm their fears, 
and durmg a sojourn of two days with them obtained considerable 
information concerning the Mongoaks and their country, and also 
learned that by ascending the Chowan two days in a boat he would 
be within a four days' journey, by land, of a king's country that lay 
upon the sea. Obtaining some corn from Menatonon, and keeping 
Skyco as a hostage for further kindness, he sent the young Indian 
prince in the pinnace to the fort, and with the remainmg boats and 
forty men pushed on up the Moratoc. His progress was slow, and 
he observed the difference between the strong current of that river and 
the sluggish waters of the great estuaries of the broad sound of 
Weapomeiok, as the country north of Albemarle Sound was then 
called. 

EXPLORATION AND STARVATION. 

The Mongoaks proved hostile, and when he had ascended the river 
two days, having progressed about thirty miles, they made an attack 
that was, however, easily repulsed. Then penetrating into the 
country. Lane found that the savages withdrew before him, removing 
all their corn and leaving nothing on which his men could subsist. 
His provisions being nearly out, he left it to the men to determine 
whether they should return or proceed; but they had two large 
mastiff's with them, and the men, declaring that the dogs prepared 
with sassafras would be good for two days' food, would not then 
abandon the expedition; and so they pushed on farther, but without 
any favorable result. At length, in danger of starvation, and their 
strength failing, they turned down stream, and in one day reached 
an island at the mouth of the river. 

Their provisions now were entirely exhausted; but here, because 
of a heavy wind raising great billows in the sound, they were con- 
strained to remain the whole of the next day. It was Easter eve; 
and Lane says they truly kept the fast. But Easter morn brought 
them new hope, and the storm ceasing, they entered the sound, and 
by four o'clock reached the Indian town of Chepanum (apparently 
on Durant's Neck, between Little and Perquimans rivers), which 
they found deserted; but fortunately there were fish in the weirs 
that furnished timely food; "for some of our company of the Hght- 
horsemen were far spent," those sailors who managed the canoes or 
light boats since called gigs being facetiously designated as "light- 
horsemen." 

The next morning, refreshed and strengthened, they resumed their 
journey and returned to Roanoke in safety. 

THE INDIANS BECOME HOSTILE. 

In their absence, Pemisapan had stirred up the neighboring 
Indians to enmity against the remaining colonists, and hoping that 
his devices for the destruction of Lane's party had succeeded, he 
sought to strengthen the resolution of his followers by declaring that 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 77 

Lane and his party had either died of starvation or had been cut ofi 
by the Mongoaks. Ensinore, who had urged more friendly counsels, 
had unfortunately died toward the end of March, and there was 
now no influence to counteract Pemisapan's hostiUty; and urged by 
him, the Indians would no longer render any assistance in the way 
of obtaining either fish or other food, and the situation of the colony 
was becoming extremely critical. The protracted absence of Lane's 
party added to their despondency, while it gave color to the report 
of their destruction. Such was the deplorable condition on the island 
when Lane's reappearance, contrary to the prophecies of his enemies, 
together with the accounts given by the Indians who had accom- 
panied him of the ease with which he had overcome those Mongoaks 
who had fought him, caused a reaction in favor of the whites, and the 
Indians once more began to set weirs for them and aided' them in 
planting corn, the planting season having now arrived. StiU, until 
rehef should come from England, or the crops just planted should 
mature, the colonists had to rely on such supphes as they could 
gather for themselves. In this extremity resort was had to the 
oyster beds found in the sound; and the better to subsist, the men 
were divided into smaU companies, and located at different points. 
Captain Stafford and twenty others were sent to Croatoan, where, 
wmle getting oysters, they could watch for the approach of the 
expected vessels bearing rehef; at Hattorask a dozen more were 
stationed for the same purpose, while every week companies of 
fifteen or twenty were sent to the mainland to hunt for food. Thus 
they managed to exist through the month of May, waiting and 
watching in vain for the promised supphes from home. 

In the meantime, Pemisapan, while preserving a friendly guise, 
began to plot anew against them, and instigated the hostile Indians 
to take the whites at a disadvanatge, falling upon them while scattered 
and cutting them off in detail. To carry out this scheme he proposed 
to hold a great assembly of Indians, to last a month, by way of 
solemnizing the death of his father, Ensinore. This meeting was to 
be held on the mainland, at Desamonguepeuk, opposite Roanoke 
Island; and besides seven hundred neighboring warriors, it was to 
be attended by an equal number of the Man^oaks and Chesipeans, 
who were to come and lie secretly in the woods until the signal fires 
should give them the order to rise. As a part of the same plan, it 
was arranged that Terraquine, one of Pemisapan's chieftains, with 
twenty men, should set fire to the thatched root of Lane's house, and 
when he should come out, they were to murder him. Another leader 
and squad were to deal with Hariot the same way; and, similarly, 
all of the principal men of the colony were to be surprised and over- 
come. Toward the end of May the neighboring Indians began to 
assemble on Roanoke Island, the night of June 10th being the time 
appointed for the others to meet and carry into effect the murderous 
plot. 

Skyco, being the son of a king, on reaching the island had been 
taken by Pemisapan to reside with his own family, and as the young 
prince was held a prisoner and was deemed hostile to the English, the 
plot became known to him ; but Lane had treated him with kindness 
and consideration, and the young boy in gratitude revealed to him aU 
the details of the conspiracy. Confronted with such an emergency, 
Lane's strength of character and resolution promptly displayed 



78 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

itself. Had he been a weaker man, not so resourceful, the colonists 
would probably have fallen victims to Indian strategy. 

lane's strategy. 

Pemisapan had gone over to the mainland, ostensibly to see about 
his growing corn crops, but really to attend to collecting the hostile 
Indians. Lane, realizing that safety could only be secured by the 
death of this wily foe and of his coadjutors, resolved on an immediate 
stroke. He sent him word to return to the island, for having heard 
of the arrival of his fleet at Croatoan, he himself proposed to go there ; 
and he wished Pemisapan to detail some of his men to fish and hunt 
for him at Croatoan, and he also wanted to purchase four days' supply 
of corn to take with him. Pemisapan, however, did not fall into 
the trap; but while promising to come, postponed doing so from day 
to day, waiting for the assembling of the hostile Indians. At length, 
on the last of May, all of Pemisapan's own people having begun to 
congregate on the island. Lane determined to wait no longer. So 
that night he ordered "the master of the light-horsemen," as he 
termed his chief boatman, with a few others to gather up at sunset 
all the canoes in the island, so as to prevent any information being 
.conveyed to the mainland. As the "light-horsemen" were performing 
this duty, they saw a canoe departing from the island, and in seizing 
it two of the savages were killed. This aroused the Indians who 
were present, and they at once took themselves to their bows and the 
Englishmen to their muskets. Some few of the sava,ges were killed 
in the encounter and the others fled down the island. At dawn the 
next morning, with the "light-horsemen" and a canoe carrying 
twenty-five others, with the "colonel of the Chesipeans," and "the 
sergeant major," Lane hastened to the mainland, and sent word to 
Pemisapan that he was coming to visit him, as he was about to depart 
for Croatoan, and wished to complain of the conduct of Osacan, who 
the night before had tried to convey away the prisoner Skyco, whom 
he had there handcufi'ed. The Indian king, ignorant of what had 
happened on the island, and not suspecting any hostile purpose, 
received Lane and his attendants, who, coming up, found him sur- 
rounded by seven or eight of his principal Weroances, together with 
many other warriors. 

As soon as they met. Lane gave the agreed signal, "Christ, our 
Victory," and immediately the colonel of the Chesipeans, the sergeant 
major, and their company opened fire, and Pemisapan and his chief 
men were slain and the others dispersed. A blow so sudden and 
terrible paralyzed the Indians; the plot was abandoned and the 
danger averted. 

drake arrives and the colonists return to ENGLAND. 

A week later, on June 8th, the colony was thrown into an ecstasy 
of excitement by the hasty arrival of a messenger from Stafford, who 
reported seeing off Croatoan a fleet consisting of more than twenty 
vessels; but war had the year before broken out between Spain and 
England, and it was not at first known whether the ships belonged to 
friends or foes. The next day, however, Stafford himself came, 
having walked twenty miles by land, bringing a letter, proffering 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 79 

food and assistance, from Sir Francis Drake, then at Hattorask, who 
had just returned from sacking Santo Domingo, Cartagena and St. 
Augustine. With a joyful heart, Lane hastened to the fleet "riding 
at his bad harbor"; and Drake proposed to leave him a sufficient 
supply of provisions and a small vessel that could pass the inlet and 
lie within the sound. But before the necessary arrangements were 
completed a terrific storm came up that lasted three days, and the 
vessel which was to have been left was blown to sea and did not 
return; and much damage was done to the other ships of the fieet, and 
many pinnaces and smaller boats were entirely lost. After the 
storm had abated, Drake offered to leave another vessel, but he then 
had none that could enter the harbor; so the ship, if left, would have 
had to remain on the perilous coast. As an alternative proposition 
Drake ofl'ered to take the colonists aboard and transport them to 
England. After consideration, it was deemed best to accept this 
last offer, and the different companies into which the colony had been 
broken being again collected, they embarked on June 19th and 
safely reached Portsmouth on July 27th. Thus, after a nine months' 
residence, ended the first attempt to plant a colony on Koanoke 
Island. 

In the meantime, a bark bearing advice that a new fleet was coming 
had been despatched from England, and somewhat later Sir Richard 
Grenville sailed with three vessels freighted with supplies and bringing 
other colonists. The first bark arrived immediately after the de- 
parture of Lane, and finding the settlement abandoned, returned to 
England; but when Sir Richard came, a fortnight later, he remamed 
three weeks searching for the settlers and making explorations; and 
then putting fifteen men in the fort, with an ample supply of pro- 
visions, he sailed away on a cruise against the Spaniards. 

Chapter IV. 

white's colony, 1587-91. 

Raleigh's embarrassments. — Conveys an interest in Virginia to Thomas Smith, John 
White, and associates. — The Citie of Raleigh in Virginia. — White's colony departs. 
■ — Howe murdered. — White despoils the fields of the hostiles. — Baptism of 
Manteo. — Birth and christening of Virginia Dare. — White returns to England. — 
The Armada. — White's first attempt to return to Virginia. — Raleigh makes 
further conveyance of his interest. — White sails in February, 1591. — Finds colony 
removed. — Mace's voyage. — Elizabeth dies. — Raleigh arrested for treason. — 
The settlement at Jamestown. — Fate of the Lost Colony. 

Raleigh's embarrassments. 

The unexpected return of Lane's colonists greatly disappointed 
Raleigh. His efforts at exploration and colonization had involved great 
expenditures. He had already disbursed forty thousand pounds in 
the enterprise, a sum approximating in this age half a million dollars, 
and that at a period when there was no great accumulation of wealth 
in England. He had now been at court some years and was a member 
of Parliament; and his fine powers and accomplishments, his versa- 
tility of genius and varied learning, commended him to the high 
favor of the queen, who gave substantial evidence of her inclination 
to push his fortunes. In 1584 she had bestowed on him a grant of 



80 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

twelve thousand acres of forfeited land in Munster, Ireland, whicli 
he attempted to colonize with English tenants and where he employed 
a large force in cutting timber for market, which, however, did not 
turn out a profitable enterprise. Also, beginning in the same year, 
he received annually for five years profitable grants allowing him to 
export quantities of broadcloth from England — a sort of monopoly; 
and he likewise obtained a lucrative monopoly in the grant of the 
"farm of wines," vesting in him the power of selling licenses for the 
vending of wine and, in some measure, of regulating the price of that 
commodity throughout the kingdom. Some months after Lane's 
return, on the attainder of Anthony Babbington, the queen was also 
pleased to bestow on Raleigh all of the estates that had come to the 
Crown by the attainder, which gave him rich manors and broad acres in 
five counties of England. In July, 1585, when the war broke out with 
Spain, he was created Lord Warden of the Stannaries (Cornwall and 
Devon) and Vice- Admiral of Cornwall and Devon; and two years 
later he was appointed captaiii of the Queen's Guard, the office of a 
courtier, to succeed Hatton, who was to become Lord Chancellor. 
But neither his out-lays in Ireland nor his expenditures for Virginia 
had yielded him any return, while his living at court, where he 
indulged in magnificent display, involved large expenses. 

THE CITIE OF RALEIGH IN VIRGINIA. 

Such were his circumstances when Lane's colony returned to 
England in the fall of 1586. But unwilling to abandon the enter- 
prise and still hoping for profit from establishing a trade in Virginia, 
he now determined to associate merchants with him who would share 
the profits and the expenses. At that time some of the wealthy mer- 
chants of London were looking with eager eyes for new avenues of 
trade and commerce. Chief among these was Thomas Smith, whose 
subsequent enterprises led to his receiving knighthood at the hands 
of his appreciative sovereign; and of their number was Richard 
Hakluyt, to whom posterity is indebted for the collection and publi- 
cation of many narratives of exploration and discovery in that 
interesting period. To Smith and eighteen other merchants who 
risked their money in the enterprise Raleigh granted free trade 
forever with his colony in Virginia, and to thirteen others he assigned 
the right of governing the> colony. Of these John White, who had 
been in all the previous expeditions to Virginia, was constituted the 
governor, and the other twelve, who also were to accompany the 
colony, were nominated his assistants; among them Ananias Dare 
and Dionysius Harvie, who carried their wives with them, and the 
former of whom was White's son-in-law. These thirteen Raleigh, 
by patent, under the powers contained in his own charter, on January 
7, 1587, erected into a corporation under the name of ''The Governor 
and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia"; and the nineteen 
merchants were made members, "free of the corporation." 

A PERMANENT SETTLEMENT ATTEMPTED. 

These preliminaries being arranged, a new colony was collected, 
consisting of one hundred and twenty-one persons, of whom seven- 
teen were women, twelve apparently being wives accompanying their 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 81 

husbands, and nine being children. On April 26, 1587, three vessels 
bearing the colonists left Portsmouth for Plymouth; and on May 
8th finally took their departure from that port for Hattorask, where, 
after many adventures, two of them arrived on July 22d, and a few 
days later the other. Raleigh had given written directions that 
after taking in the fifteen men left by Grenville the vessels were 
to proceed to Chesapeake Bay, where a new settlement was to be 
made, and such was the purpose of Governor White. But when 
White with a part of his men had left the ship to visit Roanoke Island 
for the purpose of taking off the fifteen men, Ferdinando, the admiral, 
influenced the sailors to say that they could not be received back into 
the ship, thus constraining all the colonists to disembark. At sunset 
White's boat reached the island, but the only trace he could find of the 
men left by Grenville was the bones of one that lay unburied where he 
had been slain. The fort had been razed down, but the cottages were 
still standing, some of the outer planks, however, being torn off. 
Forced to remain there, White set the men at once to work to repair 
the buildings and to construct others. The colonists had hardly 
gotten established in their new homes, when George Howe, one of the 
assistants, having strayed off two miles from the fort catching crabs 
on the shore opposite the mainland, was set upon by some savages, 
receiving sixteen wounds from arrows, and was slain. This was an 
evidence of hostility that White at once sought to allay. He sent 
Stafford with twenty men, accompanied by Manteo, who along with 
another Indian, Towaye, had gone to England and had now returned 
to Croatoan, where Manteo's mother and kindred were; and from 
these friendly Indians it was learned that some savages from the 
mainland had taken the men left by Grenville unawares, had killed 
some of them, set fire to the house where they had taken refuge, and 
driven them from the island; they taldng their boat and going to an 
island near Hattorask, after which they had never been seen. They 
also said that it was a remnant of Wingina's men dwelling at Dasa- 
monc[uepeuc who had slain Howe. To establish more amicable 
relations with these hostile Indians, the Croatoans were requested to 
go over to their towns and proffer them the friendship of the English, 
who promised to forgive and forget all past offences; and it was 
agreed that this embassy was to return with the answer within seven 
days. At the end of the time, no answers being received, White 
deemed it best to strike a blow to show that the colonists were to be 
dreaded. At night, accompanied by Stafford and twenty-four men 
and Manteo, he crossed over to Dasamonquepeuc and secreted his 
force near the Indian town; and early in the morning he opened fire 
on some Indians discovered there. Unfortunately, these were not 
the hostiles, who, fearing punishment for the murder of Howe, had 
fled, leaving their corn standing in the fields; but they were some of 
the Croatoans who had gone there to gather the corn. White, dis- 
appointed in his revenge, despoiled the fields and returned home. 
The colony being now settled, on August 13th a ceremony was per- 
formed at Roanoke that gave expression to the gratitude of Raleigh 
and the colony for the faithful and friendly services of Manteo. 

By command of Sir Walter, the rite of baptism was administered 
to Manteo, and there was conferred on him the order of Knighthood; 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 6 



82 INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 

and he was created Lord of Roanoke and Dasamonguepeuk. And 
five days later another interesting event occurred, the birth of the 
first EngUsh child born in America. On August 18, 1587, Eleanor 
Dare, wife of Ananias Dare and a daughter of the governor, gave 
birth to a daughter, who the next Sunday was christened Virginia, 
because she was the first Christian born in the new country. A few 
days later, also, was born to Dionysius Harvie and his wife, Margery, 
a child, whose name, however, has not been preserved. 

THE COLONISTS TO REMOVE INTO THE INTERIOR. 

It was now discovered that certain other particular supplies were 
needed, as this was intended to be a permanent settlement; and 
there was consultation as to who should return with the fleet to obtain 
them. It was finally determined that White himself would answer 
the purpose best, and he agreed to go with the vessels back to Eng- 
land. But before his departure it was resolved that the colony 
should remove to some point about fifty miles in the interior; and it 
was agreed that they would, on departing from the island, leave some 
sign indicating their location; and if in distress, a cross would be the 
sign. It is probable that this point, fifty miles in the interior, where 
the colony was to locate, was the highland near Ohanoak, where there 
were goodly cornfields and pleasant surroundings. 

At length, the fleet being ready to sail, on August 27th, after a 
month's sojourn with the colony, White embarked and departed for 
England. On the return voyage he met with many perilous adven- 
tures, but finally, about the middle of October, made land at Smer- 
wick, on the west coast of Ireland, and in November reached Hamp- 
ton. With him came to England stiU another Indian, who, accepting 
Christianity, was baptized at Bideford Church; but a year later died, 
and was interred there. When the colonists receded from White's 
view, as he left the shores of Virginia, they passed from the domain 
of history, and aU we know is that misfortune and distress overtook 
them; and that they miserably perished, their sad fate being one of 
those deplorable sacrifices that have always attended the accomplish- 
ment of great human purposes. 

CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND ON WHITE's ARRIVAL. 

On White's arrival, in November, 1587, seeking aid for the colony, 
doubtless the merchants and others who had ventured their means 
with Raleigh in this last attempt at colonization and trade in Vir- 
ginia, were willing to respond; but there were rumors of the prepara- 
tion in Spain of a great Armada to invade England, and an order had 
been issued forbidding the departure of any vessel from any English 
port. In that period of excitement and alarm, the necessities of the 
distant colonists were of less moment than the pressing matters at 
home. Still Raleigh, exerting his personal influence, obtained a 
license for two small vessels to sail, and on April 25, 1588, White 
departed with them from Bideford for Virginia. The captains, how- 
ever, were more intent on a gainful voyage than on the relief of the 
colonists, and betook themselves to the hazardous business of making 
prizes. At length one of them, meeting with two ships of war, was 
after a bloody fight overcome and rifled, despoiled and disabled, and 



INDIANS OF NOKTH CAROLINA. 



83 



she returned to England within a month; and three weeks later, the 
other, equally badly served, came home without having completed 
the voyage. Soon afterward, the great Armada appeared, and 
Raleigh was among those who made havoc of the Spanish galleons 
in the "morris dance of death," that, beginning in the straits, lasted 
around the north of Scotland and on the coast of Ireland. Imme- 




,c^^ 



HERE. THE KING OF PASPAHEGK REPORTED, 
OfR MEN TO BE, AND WANT "TO GO 




MACHOMONCMOCOK 



HERE PEMAINETM*^ 



FOUf* MEN CLOTHEO 
THAT CAM£ FPOM 
ROONOCK TO 
OCAWAHONAN ^^^ ,^ 



Map of the lost colony. From Ashe's History of North Carolina. 

diately on his return he was challenged to mortal combat by the 
queen's favorite, the handsome boy, Essex, and for a time retired to 
Ireland in seclusion. But soon all his powers and resources were 
employed in distressing Spanish commerce and in takmg rich prizes, 
while England was again and again threatened with Spanish inva- 
sion. In the following March, 1589, because, perhaps, both of his 



84 INDIAlSrS OF NORTH CABOLINA. 

public employments and of the greater facilities of the merchants to 
care for the colonists, he transferred his rights in Virginia by an 
assignment or lease to Thomas Smith, White and others, and relin- 
quished his interest in the colony. What particular efforts these 
merchants made to relieve the planters are not recorded; but White 
afterward mentioned "having at sundry times been chargeable and 
troublesome to Sir Walter for the supplies and relief of the planters 
in Virginia." Because of the inhibition of the sailing of merchant 
ships from England, no opportunity presented for White to return to 
Virginia until early in 1591. He then ascertained that John Watts 
of London, merchant, was about to send three vessels to the West 
Indies; but when they were ready to depart, a general stay was again 
commanded of all ships throughout England. Taking advantage of 
this circumstance. White applied to Sir Walter to obtain a special 
hcense for these vessels to sail, on condition that they would transport 
a convenient number of passengers with their furniture and necessaries 
to Virginia. The license was obtained by Raleigh, but the condition 
was not observed; and the only passenger they would take was 
White himseK, and no provisions for the rehef of the colonists. 

WHITE SAILS FOR ROANOKE. 

Leaving Plymouth on March 20, 1591, they sailed for the West Li- 
dies and sought to make prizes, and had some desperate encounters. 
Eventually, on August 3d, they reached Wokokon, but were driven 
off by a storm. On Monday, the 9th, however, the weather being 
fair, they returned and anchored and went on shore, obtaining a 
supply of fresh water and catching great stores of fish. On the 
morning of the 12th they departed, and toward night dropped anchor 
at the north end of Croatoan. The next morning they sounded the 
inlet there, and then, on August 15th, came to anchor at Hattorask, 
seeing a great smoke on Roanoke Island. The next morning, after 
directing signal guns to be fired, to warn the colonists of their pres- 
ence, they entered the inlet; but observing a great smoke toward 
the southwest, they landed and proceeded to it, only to meet with 
disappointment. Returning to their vessels, the morning following 
they set off again; but on passing the bar one of the boats was upset, 
and seven of the crew, including the captain, the mate and the sur- 
geon, were drowned, and the remaining men protested against pro- 
ceeding further. Distressing, indeed, was the situation of W^hite and 
unpropitious the outlook of a journey begun with such a calamity. 
But at length the men reluctantly yielded and the boats proceeded 
to the island, arriving after night, anchoring off the shore and sound- 
ing a trumpet call and famihar tunes to evoke a response. But all 
in vain. No answer came, although in the distance a firehght was 
seen. At break of day they landed and hastened to the fire, finding 
no sign of the English. Then pressing across the island, they skirted 
along its western shore until they came to the north point near where 
the settlement had been. There on the shore they found a tree on 
which had been cut the Roman letters C. R. O. With despondent 
hearts they proceeded to the place of settlement, and saw that the 
houses had been taken down and the place strongly enclosed with a 
high pahsade of great trees, very like a fort; and on a tree was cut the 
word "Croatoan," but without the cross or sign of distress. The boats 



rSTDIANS OP NOETH CAROLINA. 85 

were gone; the pieces of light ordnance had been taken away, only 
some of the heavier pieces remaining, and the fort was all grown up 
with grass and weeds, as if long since deserted. A trench in which 
White had buried his boxes had been opened and his maps and prop- 
erty scattered, and his armor lay on the ground, ahnost eaten through 
with rust. It was a scene of desolation. There was still a hope, yet 
it must have been but faint, that the colonists could be found at 
Croatoan. White had just sailed along that island and had anchored 
at its northern end and had beheld no sign of the presence of any 
English there. Returnmg to the mlet, it was, however, determined 
to go again to that island. But after they had weighed anchor, the 
design was relinquished; and one vessel returned to England and 
the other steered for the West Indies. From that time onward the 
Enghsh who settled in Virginia vv'ere kno^^^l as Raleigh's Lost Colony. 
They were not forgotten, but were never discovered. 

Raleigh's efforts to relieve the colony. 

Greater enterprises now absorbed Raleigh, who had become one of 
the most heroic of that splendid company of heroes who brought 
lustre to the Elizabethan Age; but still, between 1587 and 1602, it 
is said that he sent out no less than five expeditions to seek his 
unfortunate company in Virginia. In 1602 he bought a ship, hired 
a crew, placed it under the command of Samuel Mace, who had twice 
before sailed for Virginia, and in March sent it forth to search for the 
colonists. Mace struck Virginia forty leagues southwest of Hatteras, 
and spent a month trading with the Indians as he scoured along the 
coast; but without going to Croatoan or Hattorask, he returned to 
Weymouth in August. Raleigh hastened there to meet him, and 
found in the same harbor another vessel likewise just arrived from 
Vhginia, but which had missed Roanoke also, by forty leagues to 
the northward. He, however, proposed to send them both away 
again, havmg saved the cost in the sassafras they brought, which he 
claimed because of his ownership of the land under his patent, no one 
having the right, he asserted, to trade in Virginia except by his 
license. The next year Richard Hakluyt, one of the grantees in the 
charter of the City of RpJeigh, formally applied to Sir Walter for 
permission to sail to northern Virginia; but in the spring of that 
year, 1603, Elizabeth died, and before the summer had passed 
Raleigh was arrested for treason. 

JAMESTOWN 'settled — THE ROANOE33 COLONY DISAPPEARS. 

In the meantime the spirit of enterprise which had been stimulated 
by Raleigh's efforts at colonization had grown, and Thomas Smith 
and a few other London merchants, in 1599, had laid the foundations 
of the East India Company, whose great success led, in 1606, to the 
formation of another corporation, called the Virginia Company, with 
two divisions, at the head of one division being Thomas Smith, now 
knighted, and other London merchants and gentlemen who had been 
associated vv'ith Raleigh in his enterprise; and on December 19, 1606, 
Christopher Newport set sail with one hundred and forty-three immi- 
grants and, on May 13th, settled Jamestown. The next year New- 



86 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

port was directed to make an expedition to find Raleigh's Lost 
Colony. 

THE FATE OF WHITE'S COLONISTS. 

The colonists, warned by previous mishaps, certainly brought with 
them sufficient supplies to last until a crop would mature in the fall 
of 1588, and they did not neglect to begin their planting operations. 

On his return White found no sign of any planting on Roanoke 
Island; nor was there evidence of any conflict with the savages — no 
graves, no butchery. The dwellings had been taken down and 
removed, and the light ordnance had been carried away. The growth 
of weeds indicated that two seasons had passed since the removal, 
and apparently the spot had not been revisited by the colonists in 
many months. 

On his departure for England, the avowed intention was for the 
colonists to settle fifty miles in the interior; and when he coasted 
along Croatoan leisurely he observed no sign of their presence on the 
shore. Instead of establishing themselves on that barren sandbank, 
exposed to the attacks of the Spaniards, with no inviting streams, 
nor fertile fields, nor shady forests, they looked westward for a secure 
and agreeable location for their permanent settlement. Fifty miles 
would have brought them to the "goodly highlands, on the left hand 
between Muscamunge and Chowanoak," where the Indians already 
had fertile cornfields; and there, according to Indian statements of 
different sources, they appear to have seated themselves on what 
are now the pleasant bluffs of Bertie County. 

Several vessels were at different times despatched to search for 
them; but none of these entered the great sounds. At length, after 
Jamestown was settled, Newport in 1608 was specially directed to 
make an exploration to discover them. An expedition by water did 
not proceed far and was without result. A searching party by land 
penetrated to the territory of the Chowanists and Mangoaks, but did 
not find the colonists. 

Smith in his "True Relation" (1608) repeats information derived 
from the king of the Paspehegh Indians, who resided above James- 
town, to the effect that there were men apparelled like himself at 
Ochanahonan, which seems to have been on the Nottoway; and that 
there were many at Panawicke, a region apparently between the 
Chowan and Roanoke rivers. Five years later, William Strachey, 
the secretary of the Jamestown colony, gave some account of the 
missing colonists derived from Machumps, a friendly Indian of con- 
siderable intelligence, who had been to England and who came freely 
and often to Jamestown. At Peccarecamek and Ochanahonan, the 
Indians had houses built with stone walls, one story above another, 
having been taught by the English who escaped the slaughter at the 
time of the landing at Jamestown. And at Ritanoe there were pre- 
served seven of the colonists, four men, two boys and a young maid, 
who having escaped, fled up the Chowan. 

For more than twenty years the colonists were reported to have 
lived peaceably with the Indians and to have intermixed with them 
in their locality, beyond the territory of Powhatan; and then on the 
arrival of the colonists at Jamestown, Powhatan, persuaded by his 
bloody priests, procured their slaughter, he being present on the 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 87 

occasion. Some escaped; but none ever had communication with the 
Jamestown settlers. 

Peccarecamek was apparently on the upper Pamlico, or Tar River; 
and perhaps a trace of English blood might be found in the aggressive- 
ness and fierceness of the Indians of that region a century later. 

TRACES OF THE COLONISTS. 

If others were r>reserved on the sandbanks, as they might well have 
been, escaping in their pinnace through the waters of the sound, a 
trace of them possibly came down to posterity through their inter- 
mixture with the Hatteras Indians. That small tribe had always 
been friendly with the whites; and as late as 1709, grey eyes were 
found among them and they cherished a friendship with the English 
because of their affinity, according to their own traditions. Yet 
there were other opportunities for an admixture of the races. Thirty- 
two men of Captain R.a}miond's company were among them twenty 
days before the arrival of Lane's colony, and the following summer 
Captain Staft'ord and twenty men were with them until Drake came 
in June, and doubtless others were stationed there the next year to 
keep watch for the expected return of White, until all hope had 
expired. Other than these possible traces no memorial has ever been 
discovered of the existence of the Lost Colony, whose mournful fate, 
involved in mystery, has ever been a fruitful theme of song and story. 



EXHIBIT D. 

NOTES OF LEDERER'S TRAVELS IN NORTH CAROLINA AND 
COMMENTS BY DR. HAWKS. 

[Reprinted from Hawks' History of North Carolina, Vol. 2.] 

No. VII. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE DISCOVERIES OF JOHN LEDERER. 

In three several Marches from Virginia to the west of Carolina, and other parts of the 
Continent; begun in March, 1669, and ended in September, 1670. Collected and 
translated out of Latin from has discourse and writings, by Sir "William Talbot, 
Baronet. Printed in London, in 1672. [Reprinted from a copy in the author's 
library.] 

[John Lederer was a learned German, who lived in Virginia during 
the administration of Sir William Berkeley. Little was then known 
of the mountainous part of that State, or of what was beyond. 
Berkeley commissioned Lederer to make explorations, and accord- 
ingly he went upon three several expeditions. The first was from the 
head of York River due west to the Appalachian Mountains ; the sec- 
ond was from the falls of James River, west and southwest, and brought 
him into North Carolina, through several of the counties of which he 
travelled; the third was from the falls of the Rappahannock, west- 
ward, to the mountains. 

Certain Englishmen were appointed by Berkeley to accompany 
nim; these, however, forsook him and turned back. Lederer pro- 
ceeded, notwithstanding, alone; and on his return to Virginia (which, 
by the way, was never expected), met with insult and reproaches, 
instead of the cordial welcome to which he was entitled. For this 
he was indebted to his English companions who had forsaken him; 
and so active were they in creating a prejudice against him, that he 
was not safe among the people of Virginia, who had been told that the 
public taxes of that year had all been expended in his wanderings. 

Under these circumstances he went into Maryland, and there suc- 
ceeded finally in obtaining a hearing from the governor, Sir WiUiam 
Talbot, and in submitting his papers to him. The governor, though 
at first much prejudiced against the man by the stories he had 
heard, yet found him, as he says, ' ' a modest, ingenious person, and a 
pretty scholar;" and Lederer vindicated himself "with so convincing 
reason and circumstance," as Talbot says, that he quite removed all 
unfavorable impressions, and the governor himself took the trouble 
to translate from the Latin and publish Lederer' s account of his 
journeyings. 

A map of his explorations accompanies Talbot's translation, and 
by the aid of that we have endeavored to trace, as well as we could, 
the German's wanderings within the present boundaries of North 
Carolina.] 



IITDIAFS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 



89 



The twentieth of May, 1670, one Major Harris and myself, with 
twenty Christian horse and five Indians, marched from the falls of 
James River, in Virginia, towards the Monakins; and on the two- 
and-twentieth were welcomed by them with volleys of shot. Near 
this village we observed a pyramid of stones piled up together, which, 
their priests told us, was the number of an Indian colony drawn out 



mm II I!]] HIMI mill Jillll rm imii uui mii. Jim i.Ni m, i „ 



r ofeo^rttish MOtt . 

\o 1*9 '^9 'so V« 



DTSCKJnTION OF- 

^ Order of the 




mm ||jiu ||||»— iTiTiii mn im 

37' 



Ogilby's map of Caroliua. From Hawks' History of North Carolina. 

by lot from a neighbor country over-peopled, and led hither by one 
Monack, from whom they take the name of Monakin. Here inquiring 
the way to the mountains, an ancient man described, with a staff, 
two paths on the ground, one pointing to the Mohocks, and the other 
to the NaJiyssans. 



90 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 



[The Mahocks, from Leclerer's map, would appear to have been 
Hving near the dividing line of Nelson and Albemarle counties, at the 
junction of the Kockfish with the James River. The locality of the 
iSTahyssans appears, from Robert Morden's map of Carolina (1687), 
and also from Ogilby's, to have been west of the Mahocks, between 
them and the first range of the mountains.] 




But my English companions, slighting the Indian's direction, 
shaped their course by the compass due west; and therefore it fell out 
with us, as it does with those land-crabs that, crawling backwards in 
a direct line, avoid not the trees that stand in their way, but climbing 
over their very tops come down again on the other side, and so, after 
a day's labor, gain not above two feet of ground. Thus we, obsti- 
nately pursuing a due west course, rode over steep and craggy cliffs 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 



91 



which beat our horses quite off the hoof. In these mountains we 
wandered from the 25th of May till the 3d of June, finding very httle 
sustenance for man or horse, for these places are destitute both of 
grain and herbage. 

The third of June we came to the south branch of James River, 
which Major Harris, observing to run northwardly, vainly imagined 




to be an arm of the Lake of Canada, and was so transported with this 
fancy that he would have raised a pillar to the discovery, if the fear of 
the Mahock Indian and want of food had permitted him to stay. 
Here I moved to cross the river and march on; but the rest of the 
company were so weary of the enterprise, that, crying out, one and all. 



92 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

they would have offered violence to me, had I not been provided with 
a private commission from the Governor of Virginia to proceed, 
though the rest of the company should abandon me — the sight of 
which laid then- fury. 

The lesser hills, or Akontshuck, are here impassable, being both 
steep and craggy. The rocks seemed to me, at a distance, to resemble 
eggs set up on end. 

James River is here as broad as it is about a hundred miles lower, at 
Monakin; the passage over it is very dangerous by reason of the 
rapid torrents made by rocks and shelves forcing the water into 
narrow channels. From an observation which we made of straws 
and rotten chunks ^ hanging in the boughs of trees on the bank, and 
two-and-twenty feet above water, we argued that the melted snow 
falling from the mountains swelled the river to that height, the flood 
carrying down that rubbish which, upon the abatement of the inun- 
dation, remained in the trees. 

The air in these parts was so moist that all our biscuits became 
mouldy and unfit to be eaten, so that some nicer stomachs, who, at 
our setting out, laughed at my provision of Indian-meal parched, 
would gladly now have shared with me; but I being determined 
to go upon further discoveries, refused to part with any of that 
which was to be my most necessary sustenance. 

The fifth of June, my company and I parted, good friends, they 
back again, and I, with one Susquehanna Indian, named Jackzetavon, 
only, in pursuit of my first enterprise, changing my course from 
west to southwest and by south to avoid the mountains. Major 
Harris, in parting, gave me a gun, believing me a lost man, and given 
up as a prey to Indians or savage beasts, which made him the bolder 
to report strange things in his own praise and my disparagement, 
presuming I would never appear to disprove him. This, I suppose, 
and no other, was the cause that he did with so much industry procure 
me discredit and odium; but I have lost nothing by it but what I 
never studied to gain, which is popular applause. 

From the fifth, which was Sunday, untd the ninth of June, I 
travelled through difficult ways, without seeing any town or Indian, 
and then I arrived at Sapon, a town of the Nahyssans, about a hun- 
dred miles distant from Mahock, situate upon a branch of Shawan, 
alias Rorenock River. 

[By SJiawan, Lederer means Chowan, which he here confounds 
with Roanoke. On Morden's map (1687), and on Ogilby's (1671), 
the Chowan is called Rokahak, while the Moratoc or Roanoke is 
called Noratoke. The Staunton and the Dan form the latter river, 
and it was probably on some of the tributaries of the first-named 
stream he struck, perhaps on the Staunton itself, just before its 
junction with the Dan. He had changed his course, as he teUs us, 
to S. W. by S., to avoid the mountains, and the only streams to 
which this course would brmg him are the Staunton and its northern 
tributaries.] 

And though I had just cause to fear these Indians, because they had 
been in continual hostility with the Christians for ten years before, 
yet presuming that the truck which I carried with me would procure 

1 This word is very generally used at the South, and means sometimes the end of small logs, partly burned, 
and then extinguished; and at others, as in this case, broken fragments of moderate size from decayed trees. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. ' 93 

my welcome, I adventured to put myself into their power, having 
heard that they never offer any injury to a few persons, from whom 
they apprehend no danger; nevertheless they examined me strictly, 
whence I came, whither I went, and what my busmess was. But 
after I had bestowed some trifles of glass and metal amongst them, 
they were satisfied with reasonable answers, and I received with 
all imaginable demonstrations of kindness, as offering of sacrifice, a 
compliment showed only to such as they design particularly to honor; 
but they went further, and consulted their gods, whether they should 
not admit me into their nation and councils, and oblige me to stay 
among them by a marriage with the king's or some of their great 
men's daughters. But I, though with much ado, waived their 
courtesy, and got my passport, having given my word to return to 
them within six months. 

Sapon is within the limits of the province of Carolina, and as you 
may perceive by the figure, has all the attributes requisite to a 
pleasant and advantageous seat; for, though it stands high and upon 
a dry land, it enjoys the benefit of a stately river and a rich soil, 
capable of producing many commodities, which may hereafter render 
the trade of it considerable. 

[We must here remember that the dividing line between the present 
States of Virginia and Carolina was not then estabhshed as it is 
now recognized. From Lederer's map, it appears that all that part 
of Virginia lying south of James River, and extending as far westward 
as the Blue Ridge, was considered by him as part of Carolina, and 
is so designated on his map. Sapon, however, would appear from 
his map to have been in North Carolina, or just be3^ond the present 
boundary, in Virginia. Morden places it just south of the dividing 
line, in Carolina, on the upper waters of what we call the Roanoke. 
It was the chief town of the Nahyssans.] 

Not far distant from hence, as I understood from the Nahyssan 
Indians, is their king's residence, called Pintahce, upon the same 
river, and happy in the same advantages both for pleasure and profit, 
which my curiosity would have led me to see, were I not bound, 
both by oath and commission, to a direct pursuance of my intended 
purpose of discovering a passage to the further side of the mountains. 
This nation is governed by an absolute monarch; the people of a 
high stature, warlike, and rich. I saw great store of pearl unbored 
in their little temples or oratories, which they had won, amongst 
other spoils, from the Indians of Florida, and hold in as great esteem 
as we do. 

From hence, by the Indians' instructions, I directed my course to 
Akenatzy, an island bearing south and by west, and about fifty miles 
distant, upon a branch of the same river, from Sapon. 

[This island Akenatzy is possibly what is found on Lawson's map 
of 1709, under the name of Aconeche, in the Roanoke River.] 

The country here, though high, is level, and for the most part a 
rich soil, as I judged by the growth of the trees; yet where it is mhab- 
ited by Indians it lies open in spacious plains, and is blessed with a 
very healthful air, as appears by the age and vigor of the people; and 
though I travelled in the month of June, the heat of the weather hin- 
dered me not from riding at aU hours without any great annoyance 
from the sun. By easy journe3^s I landed at Akenatzy upon the 
twelfth of June. The current of the river is here so strong that my 



94 INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 

horse had much difficulty to resist it, and I expected every step to be 
carried away with the stream. 

This island, though small, maintains many inhabitants, who are 
fixed here in great security, being naturally fortified with fastnesses 
of mountains, and water on every side. Upon the north shore they 
yearly reap great crops of corn, of which they always have a twelve- 
month's provision aforehand, against an invasion from their powerful 
neighbors. Their government is under two kings, one presiding in 
arms, the other in hunting and husbandry. They hold all things, 
except their wives, in common; and their custom in eating is, that 
every man, in his turn, feasts all the rest, and he that makes the 
entertainment is seated betwixt the two kings, when, having highly 
commended his own cheer, they carve and distribute it among the 
guests. 

At my arrival here I met four stranger Indians, whose bodies were 
painted in various colors with figures of animals whose likeness I had 
never seen; and by some discourse and signs which passed between 
us, I gathered that they were the only survivors of fifty who set out 
together in company from some great island, as I conjecture, to the 
northwest; for I understood that they crossed a great water, in which 
most of their party perished by tempest, the rest dying in the marshes 
and mountains by famine and hard weather, after a two months' 
travel by land and water in quest of this island of Alcenatzy. 

The most reasonable conjecture that I can frame out of this relation 
is, that these Indians might come from the island of New Albion or 
California, from whence we may imagine some great arm of the 
Indian Ocean or bay stretches into the continent towards the Apala- 
tsean Mountains in the nature of a midland sea, in which many of these 
Indians might have perished. To confirm my opinion in this point, 
I have heard several Indians testify that the nation of RicTcohockans, 
who dwell not far to the westward of the Apalatsean Mountains, are 
seated upon a land, as they term it, of great waves — by which, I 
suppose, they mean the sea-shore. 

[However reasonable this conjecture may have appeared at the 
time to Lederer, with such geographical knowledge as was then pos- 
sessed, we think, if we mistake not the locality in which the German 
then was, a much more reasonable supposition can be formed by us 
at this day. He was on an island in the Roanoke River, and, as we 
think, in that part of the river that flows between Halifax and North- 
ampton counties. The four Indians had probably come from the 
northeast or east, and the great water they crossed was nothing more 
than the Sound, for their whole journey had occupied a space of time 
much too short for a travel from any great body of water to the west 
or northwest. If, however, they came from the northwest, it must 
have been from the borders of the great lakes, which, we think, was 
the land of the Rickohockans, whom he mentions in the next para- 
graph as distinct from these four Indians. He entertained, it will 
be observed, an opinion very common at that day, that the Gulf of 
Mexico extended northwardly mto the continent much further than 
it does, and he had a very imperfect conception of the entire breadth 
of the continent.! 

The next day after my arrival at AJcenatzy, a RickoTiockan ambas- 
sador, attended by five Indians whose faces were colored with auri- 
pigmentum (in which mineral these parts do much abound), was 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 95 

received, and that night invited to a ball, of their fashion; but in 
the height of their mirth and dancing, by a smoke contrived for that 
purpose, the room was suddenly darkened, and, for what cause I 
know not, the Rickohockan and his retmue barbarously murdered. 
This struck me with such an affrightment, that the very next day, 
without taking my leave of them, I slunk away with my Indian com- 
panion. Though the desire of informing myself further concerning 
some minerals, as auripigmentuin, &c., which I there took especial 
notice of, would have persuaded me to stay longer among them, had 
not the bloody example of their treachery to the Rickohockans 
frightened me away. 

The fourteenth of June, pursuing a south southwest course, some- 
times by a beaten path and sometimes over hills and rocks, I was 
forced to take up my quarters in the woods; for though the Oenock 
Indians, whom I then sought, were not, in a direct line, above thirt}^ 
odd miles distant from AJcenatzy, yet the ways were such, and obliged 
me to go so far about, that I reached not Oenock until the sixteenth. 

[We are not without knowledge of the locahty of the OJianoaks. 
They were in the present county of Bertie, on its eastern side (see 
vol. i., p. 113). It would, therefore, seem that Lederer travelled 
down from Northampton, on the eastern side of the Roanoke into 
Bertie, towards the Chowan.] 

The country here, by the industry of these Indians, is very open, 
and clear of wood. Their town is built round a field, where, in their 
sports, they exercise with so much labor and violence and in so great 
numbers, that I have seen the ground wet with the sweat that dropped 
from their bodies. Their chief recreation is slinging of stones. 

Fourteen miles west-southwest of the Oenocks dwell the SJiackory 
Indians, upon a rich soil, and yet abounding in antimony, of which 
they showed me considerable quantities. Finding them agree with 
the Oenocks in customs and manners, I made no stay there, but pass- 
ing through their town I travelled till the nineteenth of June, and 
then, after a two days' troublesome journey through thickets and 
marsh-grounds, I arrived at Watary, above forty miles distant, and 
bearing west-southwest to SJiakor. 

I departed from Watary the one- and- twentieth of June, and keep- 
ing a west course for near thirty miles I came to Sara. Here I found 
the ways more level and easy. I did likewise, to my no small admira- 
tion, find hard cakes of white salt among them; but whether they 
were made of sea water or taken out of salt-pits I know not, but am 
apt to beheve the latter, because the sea is so remote from them. 

From Sara I kept a south-southwest course until the five-and- 
twentieth of June, and then I reached Wisaclcy. This tliree days' 
march was more troublesome to me than all my travels besides, for 
the direct way wliich I took from Sara to Wisacky is over a continup,d 
I marsh overgrown with reeds, from whose roots spring knotty stumps, 
as hard and sharp as ffint. I was forced to lead my horse most part 
of the way, and wonder that he was not either plunged in the bogs or 
lamed by those rugged knots. 

This nation is subject to a neighbor king residing upon the bank of 
agreat lake called UsJiery, environed of all sides with mountains and 
Wisaclcy marsh. 

The six-and-twentieth of June, having crossed a fresh river which 
runs into the lake of Ushery, I came to the town, which was more 



96 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

populous than any I had seen before in my march. The king dwells 
some three miles from it, and therefore I had no opportunity of see- 
ing him the two nights which I stayed there. This prince, though 
his dominions are large and populous, is in continual fear of the 
Oustack Indians, seated on the opposite side of the lake, a people so 
addicted to arms that even their women come into the field and 
shoot arrows over their husbands' shoulders, who shield them with 
leathern targets. 

The water of TJshery Lake seemed to my taste a little brackish, 
which I rather impute to some mineral waters which flow into it, 
than to any saltness it can take from the sea, which we may reason- 
ably suppose is a great way from it. Many pleasant rivulets fall into 
it, and it is stored with great plenty of excellent fish. I judged it to 
be about ten leagues broad, for were not the other shore very high it 
could not be discerned from TJshery. How far this lake tends west- 
wardly, or where it ends, I could neither learn nor guess. 

[It is difficult to determine what lake it is that Lederer calls 
TJshery; it was, however, in the midst of extensive swampy lands, 
or, as he terms them, marsh. We have such lands in Bertie, Martin, 
Beaufort, Washington, Tyrrel, and Hyde counties, and particularly 
in the three last named, where such lands, reclaimed, form some of 
our richest plantations. Was he somewhere in this region of swamp 
lands ? The only lakes, however, of much importance are Lake 
Phelps and Matamuskeet Lake. If he were on the eastern side of 
the Roanoke, he could not have reached these without crossing the 
river, and yet his itinerary mentions no such crossing. Neither are 
we aided by the name he gives to the Indians on the opposite side of 
the lake: we know of no tribe called Oustack Indians. The nearest 
approach to it is Newsiok, on the waters of Neuse, and not on any 
lake. If, when he left the island AJcenatzy in the Roanoke, he crossed 
to the western bank of the river, he might have found swampy lands 
in Martin, Beaufort, and Washington counties, supposing him to 
have been wandering towards Hyde; but how then would he have 
passed through the region of the Ohanoalcs, which was certainly in 
Bertie? Beside, Matamuskeet, if that be the lake referred to, was 
not called TJshery by the natives. Its Indian name was Paquipe. 
If we suppose Lake Phelps to be meant, how shall we reconcile such 
a conjecture with the size he gives ? Lake Phelps, we tliink, is not 
thirty miles broad. We beheve him to have been somewhere in the 
region of marshy lands we have named; but as to Lake TJshery, we 
freely confess we cannot fix its locality. Col. Byrd says that the 
Indians Uving on the Santee River were called the Usheries.] 

Here I made a day's stay to inform myself further in these coun- 
tries ; and understood both from the Usheries and some Sara Indians 
that came to trade with them, that two days' journey and a half 
from hence to the southwest, a powerful nation of bearded men were 
seated, which I suppose to be the Spaniards, because the Indians 
never have any, it being a universal custom among them to prevent 
their growth by plucking the young hair out by the roots. 

[Lederer made his journey in 1669-70, and may be correct in sup- 
posing the bearded men to be Spaniards; but at that date there was 
a settlement of Englishmen that would answer the description here 
given. The settlers on the Cape Fear from Barbadoes commenced 
their colony in 1664, and these may have been the bearded men re- 



INDIAIS^S OF NOETH CAROLINA. 97 

f erred to. He is in error, however, as to the distance of the bearded 
men from the Indians. It was more than a journey of two days and 
a half.] 

Not thinking fit to proceed fiu-ther, the eight-and-twentieth of June 
I faced about and looked homewards. To avoid Wisacky marsh I 
shaped my course northeast; and after three days' travel over hilly 
ways, where I met with no path or road, I fell into a barren, sandy 
desert, where I suffered miserably for want of water, — the heat of 
summer having drunk all the springs dry, and left no sign of any, but 
the gravelly channels in which they run : so that if now and then I had 
not found a standing pool, which provident nature set round with 
shady oaks, to defend it from the ardor of the sun, my Indian com- 
panion, horse, and self had certainly perished with thirst. In this 
distress we travelled till the twelfth of July, and then found the head 
of a river, which afterwards proved Eruco; in which we received, not 
only the comfort of a necessary and seasonable refreshment, but like- 
wise the hopes of coming into a country again, where we might find 
game for food at least, if not discover some new nation or people. 
Nor did our hopes fail us; for after we had crossed the river twice, we 
were led by it, upon the fourteenth of July, to the town of Katearas, 
a place of great Indian trade and commerce, and chief seat of the 
haughty emperor of the TasTciroras, called Kaskusara, vulgarly called 
Kaskous. His grim majesty, upon my first appearance, demanded 
my gun and shot, which I willingly parted with, to ransom myself out 
of his clutches; for he was the most proud, imperious barbarian that 
I met with in all my marches. The people here at this time seemed 
prepared for some extraordinary solemnity; for the men and the 
women of better sort had decked themselves very fine with pieces of 
bright copper in their hair and ears and about then* arms and necks, 
which upon festival occasions they use as an extraordinary bravery: 
by which it would seem this comitry is not without rich mines of 
copper. But I durst not stay to inform myself in it, being jealous of 
some sudden mischief towards me from Kaskous, his nature being 
bloody, and provoked upon any slight occasion. 

Therefore, leaving Katearas, I travelled through the woods until the 
sixteenth, upon which I came to Kawitziokan, an Indian town upon a 
branch of Rorenoke River, which here I passed over, continuing my 
joinney to Menchcerink; and on the seventeenth departing from 
thence, I lay all night in the woods, and the next morning betimes 
going by Natoway, I reached that evening Apamatuck, in Virginia, 
where I was not a little overjoyed to see Christian faces again. 

[From Lederer's account, the conjecture that seems most probable 
is, that taking a course southwest and by south from the falls of James 
River, he came upon the Roanoke in North Carolina, and crossed it 
at the island which he calls Akenatzy, if he crossed it at all. This 
island is between Halifax and Northampton, I apprehend. His 
wandering then took him into some of those counties where our 
swamp lands are most abundant, and he certainly was in Bertie, from 
which, pursuing a northeast course, he returned to Virginia, and cross- 
ing the Nottoway, proceeded to the Appomatox, which he followed 
to its junction with the James. The distances he gives, added to- 
gether, after his entrance into North Carolina, would make his wan- 
derings m our State some two hundred miles; and as he was among 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 7 



98 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

the Ohanoaks and Tuscaroras, he was certainly in Bertie. He, how- 
ever, was not the first European who had seen that land. Eighty-five 
years before, the hardy adventurers under Lane had placed their feet 
upon it, though their inland explorations were much less extensive 
than those of Lederer. It is proper, however, to add, that from the 
localities he names, as they appear on Ogilby's map (1671), which we 
subjoin to this account, his wanderings would appear to have been 
much more extensive than we have made them. Watery, Sara, 
Wisaclci, and TJshery would all appear to have been in South Carolina, 
the last directly west of Charleston. If he made this journey, then, 
entering the State somewhere in Warren county, he must have crossed 
it in a southwestern line, and passing through Robeson county into 
South Carolina, must have traversed that State also in its entire width. 
We cannot believe this. The time occupied would not have been 
sufficient for it. Lederer's itinerary presents difficulties which we 
confess we cannot satisfactorily solve. 

On the map of Lederer, as well as on that of^Ogilby, both of which 
we subjoin, the reader will perceive a river named Torpoeo. This is 
erroneously made to empty into the Roanoke. A comparison of its 
position with other localities shows it to have been what is commonly, 
though improperly, called the Tar River. Its name is not Tar, though 
Col. Byrd called it by that name more than one hundred years ago. 
Others have supposed its original Indian name to be Taw or Tau, 
which Williamson, with his customary dogmatism, ignorantly states 
meant "Health." It never had such a meaning in any dialect of the 
Algonquin or Iroquois that we have met with — and these were the 
two mother languages of the Indians of the eastern side of North Caro- 
lina — nor was there any such Indian word, as far as we can discover; 
though such a syllaUe, formed from an Indian word, is found in the 
composition of Indian words, according to the known polythinseticism 
of our Indian tongues. But the river was, notwithstanding, called 
Taw, for we find (as I am informed by a friend ^ that name applied 
in a patent of 1729. Wheeler, Simms, Emmons, and Cook, all mod- 
ern authorities, repudiating "Tar," call it "Tau." Mr. Clark thinks 
that, from analogy, it should be written Taw, and cites the names 
Haw, C&tawha,, Chickasaw, Choctaw, where the syllable terminates 
with w. But the fact is, that in the orthography of Indian names and 
words, it is important to know to what country the individual be- 
longed who first wrote them down for the eye of civilized man ; other- 
wise the pronunciation may be mistaken. For ourselves, while we 
are quite sure the river's true name never was Tar, we doubt whether 
Taw is the original word. Words of one syllable are exceedingly rare 
in the Indian languages, and especially in the names of places. They 
are almost invariably compounds. Its Indian name was Torpao, and 
we think it should be so called now. Taw is but a corruption of the 
first syllable Tor. We have tried in vain to discover the meaning of 
the compound Tor-pseo.] 

1 H. T. Clark, Esq., of Edgecombe. 



EXHIBIT E. 

LAWSON'S HISTORY OF CAROLINA. 

The history of Carolina; containing the exact description and natural history of that 
country"; together with the present state thereof. And a journal of a thousand 
miles, traA'el'd thro' several nations of Indians, gi\"ing a particular account of 
their customs, manners, &c. By John Lawson, Gent. Surveyor-General of North 
Carolina. London: Printed for T. Warner, at the Black-Boy in Pater-Xoster 
Row, 1718. Price bound five shillings. 

To His Excellency William Lord Cravex, Palatine; The most Noble, 
Heney Duke of Bealtort ; The Right Hon'''® Johx Lord Caeteret; 
The Hon'''® ^Maltiice Ashley, Esq: Sir John Colletox, Baronet, 
Johx Daxsox, Esq ; And the rest of the True and Absolute Lords- 
Proprietors of the Province of Carolina in America. 

My Lords, As Debts of Gratitude ought most punctually to be 
paid, so, where the Debtor is uncapable of Pajnnent, Acknowledg- 
ments ought, at least, to be made. I cannot, in the least, pretend to 
retaliate Y^our Lordships Favours to me, but must farther intrude 
on that Goodness of which I have aheady had so good Experience, 
by laying these Sheets at Your Lordships Feet, where they beg 
Protection, as having nothing to recommend them, but Truth; a 
Gift which every Author may be blaster of, if he will. 

I here present Your Lordships with a Description of your own 
Country, for the most part, in her Natural Dress, and therefore less 
vitiated with Fraud and Luxury. A Country, whose Inhabitants 
may enjoy a Life of the greatest Ease and Satisfaction, and pass away 
their Hours in solid Contentment. 

Those Charms of Liberty and Right, the Darlings of an English 
Nature, which Your Lordships grant and maintain, make you appear 
Noble Patrons in the Eyes of all Men, and we a happy People in a 
Foreign Country; which nothing less than Ingratitude and Baseness 
can make us disoTvm. 

As Heaven has been liberal in its Gifts, so are Your Lordships 
favourable Promoters of whatever may make us an easy People; 
which, I hope, Your Lordships will continue to us and our Posterity; 
and that we and they may always acknowledge such Favours, by 
banishing from among us every Principle which renders Men factious 
and unjust, which is the hearty Prayer of. 

My Lords, Your Lordships most obliged, most humble, and most 
devoted Servant, 

John Lawson. 

Preface. 

'Tis a great Misfortune, tJiat most of our Travellers, who go to this vast 
Continent in America, are Persons of the meaner Sort, and generally of 
a very slender Education; v:ho being hir'd by the Mercliants, to trade 
amongst the Indians, in whicJi Voyages they often spend several Years, 
are yet, at their Return, uncapable of giving any reasonable Account of 

d9 



100 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

what they met withal in those remote Parts; tho' the Country abounds 
with Curiosities worthy a nice Observation. In this Point, I thinlc, the 
French outstrip us. 

First, By their Numerous Clergy, their Missionaries being obedient 
to their Superiors in the highest Degree, and that Obedience being one 
great Article of their Vow, and strictly observ'd amongst all their Orders. 

Secondly, They always send abroad some of their Gentlemen in Com- 
"pany of the Missionaries, who, upon their Arrival, are order' d out 
into the Wilderness, to nuike Discoveries, and to acquaint themselves with 
the Savages 0/ America; and are oblig'd to Iceep a strict Journal of all 
the Passages they meet withal, in order to present the same not only to 
their Governors and Fathers, but likewise to their Friends and Relations 
in France; which is industriously spread about that Kingdom, to their 
Advantage. For their Monarch being a very good Judge of Mens Deserts, 
does not often let Money or Interest make men of Parts give Place to 
otliers of less Worth. This breeds an Honourable Emulation amongst 
them, to outdo one another, even in Fatigues, and Dangers whereby 
they gain a good Correspondence with the Indians, and acquaint therrir- 
selves with their Speech and Customs; and so make considerable Dis- 
coveries in a short time. Witness, their Journals from Canada, to the 
Missisipi, and its several Branches, where they have effected great Matters, 
in a few Years. 

Having spent most of my time, during my eight Years Abode in 
Carolina, in travelling; I not only survey' d the Sea- Coast and those 
Parts which are already inhabited by the Christians, but likewise view'd 
a spatious Tract of Land, lying betwixt the Inhabitants and the Ledges of 
Mountains, from whence our noblest Rivers have their Rise, running 
towards the Ocean, where they water as pleasant a Country as any in 
Europe; the Discovery of which being never yet made publick, I have, in 
the following Sheets, given you a faithful Account thereof, wherein I have 
laid down every thing with Impartiality, and Truth, which is indeed, 
the Duty of every Author, and preferable to a smooth stile, accompany' d 
with Falsities and Hyperboles. 

Great Part of this pleasant and healtlful Country is inhabited by none 
but Savages, who covet a Christian Neighhoiliood, for the Advantage of 
Trade, and enjoy all the Comforts of Life, free from Care and Want. 

But not to amuse my Readers any longer with the Encomium of 
Carolina, / refer 'em to my Journal, and other more particular Descrip- 
tion of that Country and its Inhabitants, which they will find after the 
Natural BQstory thereof, in which I have been very exact, and for 
Method's sake, rang'd each Species under its distinct and proper Head. 

Friday. — The next day, we were preparing for our Voyage, and 
baked some Bread to take along with us. Our Landlord was King 
of the Eadapau Indians, and always kept two or three trading Gir£ 
in his Cabin. Offering one of these to some of our Company, who 
refused his Kindness, ms Majesty flew into a violent Passion, to be thus 
slighted, telling the Englishmen, they were good for nothing. Our 
old Gamester, particularly, hung his Ears at the Proposal, having 
too lately been a Loser by that sort of Merchandize. It was observ- 
able, that we did not see one Partridge from the Waterrees to this 
Elace, tho' my Spaniel-Bitch, which I nad with me in this Voyage, 
ad put up a great many before. 




4WSON'S MAP OF THE CAROLINAS. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLHSTA. 101 

Saturday. — On Saturday Mornirig, we all set out for Sajjona, lolling, 
in these Creeks, several Ducks of a strange Kind, having a red Circle 
about their Eyes, like some Pigeons that I have seen, a Top-knot 
reaching from the Crown of their Heads, almost to the middle of 
their Backs, and abundance of Feathers of pretty Shades and Colours. 
They prov'd excellent Meat. Likewise, here is good store of Wood- 
cocks, not so big as those in England, the Feathers of the Breast 
being of a Carnation-Colour, exceeding ours for Dehcacy of Food. 
The Marble here is of different Colours, some or other of the Rocks 
representing most Mixtures, but chiefly the white having black and 
blue Veins in it, and some that are red. This day, we met with seven 
heaps of Stones, being the Monuments of seven Indians, that were slain 
in that place by the S'nnagers, or Troquois. Our Indian Guide added 
a Stone to each heap. We took up our Lodgings near a Brook-side, 
where the Virginia Man's Horses got away; and went back to the 
Kadapau's. 

Sunday. — This day, one of our Company, with a Sapona Indian, 
who attended Stewart, went back for the Horses. In the mean time, 
we went to shoot Pigeons, which were so numerous in these Parts, 
that you might see many Millions in a Flock; they sometimes split 
off the Limbs of stout Oaks, and other Trees, upon which they roost 
o' Nights. You may find several Indian Towns, of not above 17 
Houses, that have more than 100 Gallons of Pigeons Oil, or Fat; they 
using it with Pulse, or Bread, as we do Butter, and making the 
Ground as white as a sheet with their Dung. The Indians take a 
Light, and go among them in the Night, and bring away some thou- 
sands, killing them with long Poles, as they roost in the Trees. At 
this time of the Year, the Flocks, as they pass by, in great measure, 
obstruct the Light of the day. 

Monday. — On Monday, we went about 25 Miles, travelling through 
a pleasant dry Country, and took up our Lodgings by a Hillside, that 
was one entire Rock, out of which gush'd out pleasant Fountains 
of well-tasted Water. 

Tuesday. — The next day, still passing along such Land as we had 
done for many days before, which was. Hills and Valhes, about 10 
a Clock we reach' d the Top of one of these Mountains, which yielded 
us a fine Prospect of a very level Country, holding so, on all sides, 
farther than we could discern. When we came to travel through it, 
we found it very stiff and rich, being a sort of Marl. This Valley 
afforded as large Timber as any I ever met withal, especially^ of 
Chesnut Oaks, which render it an excellent Country for raising 
great Herds of Swine. Indeed, were it cultivated, we might have 
good hopes of as pleasant and fertile a Valley, as any our English in 
America can afford. At Night, we lay by a swift Current, where we 
saw plenty of Turkies, but perch'd upon such lofty Oaks, that our 
Guns would not kill them, tho' we shot very often, and our Guns were 
very good. Some of our Company shot several times, at one Turkey, 
before he would fly away, the Pieces being loaded with large Goose- 
shot. 

Wednesday. — Next Morning, we got our Breakfast; roasted Acorns 
being one of the Dishes. The Indians beat them into Meal, and 
thicken their Venison-Broth with them; and oftentimes make a 
palatable Soop. They are used instead of Bread, boiling them till 
the Oil swims on the top of the Water, which they preserve for use, 



102 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

eating the Acorns with Flesh-meat. We travelFd, this day, about 
25 Miles, over pleasant Savanna Ground, high, and dry, having very 
few Trees upon it, and those standing at a great distance. The 
Land was very good, and free from Grubs or Underwood. A Man 
near Sapona may more easily clear 10 Acres of Ground, than in some 
places he can one; there being much loose Stone upon the Land, 
lying very convenient for making of dry Walls, or any other sort of 
durable Fence. This Country abounds likewise with curious bold 
Creeks, (navigable for small Craft) disgorging themselves into the main 
Rivers, that vent themselves into the Ocean. These Creeks are well 
stor'd with sundry sorts of Fish, and Fowl, and are very convenient 
for the Transportation of what Commodities this Place may produce. 
This Night, we had a great deal of Rain, with Thunder and Lightning. 
Thursday. — Next Morning, it proving delicate Weather, three of us 
separated ourselves from the Horses, and the rest of the Company, 
and went directly for Sapona Town. That day, we pass'd through 
a delicious Country, (none that I ever saw exceeds it.) We saw fine 
bladed Grass, six Foot high, along the Banks of these pleasant 
Rivulets: We pass'd by the Sepulchres of several slain Indians. 
Coming, that day, about 30 Miles, we reach'd the fertile and pleasant 
Banks of Sapona River, whereon stands the Indian Town and Fort. 
Nor could all Europe afford a pleasanter Stream, were it inhabited 
by Christians, and cultivated by ingenious Hands. These Indians 
live in a clear Field, about a Mile square, which they would have sold 
me; because I talked sometimes of coming into those Parts to live. 
This most pleasant River may be something broader than the Thames 
at Kingston, keeping a continual pleasant warbling Noise, with its 
reverberating on the bright Marble Rocks. It is beautified with a 
numerous Train of Swans, and other sorts of Water-Fowl, not com- 
mon, though extraordinary pleasing to the Eye. The forward 
Sprmg welcom'd us with her innumerable Train of small Choristers, 
which nhabit those fair Banks; the Hills redoubling, and adding 
Sweetness to their melodious Tunes by their shrill Echoes. One 
side of the River is hemm'd in with mountainy Ground, the other 
side proving as rich a Soil to the Eye of a laiowing Person with us, 
as any this Western World can afford. We took up our Quarters 
at the King's Cabin, who was a good Friend to the English, and had 
lost one of his Eyes in their Vindication. Being upon his march 
towards the Appallache Mountains, amongst a Nation of Indians 
in their Way, there happen'd a Difference, while they were measuring 
of Gunpowder; and the Powder, by accident, taking fire, blew out 
one of this King's Eyes, and did a great deal more mischief, upon the 
spot: Yet this Sapona King stood firmly to the English Man's Interest, 
with whom he was in Company, still siding with him against the 
Indians. They were intended for the South Sea, but were too much 
fatigued by the vast Ridge of Mountains, tho' they hit the right 
Passage; it being no less than five days Journey through a Ledge of 
Rocky Hills, and sandy Desarts. And which is yet worse, there is 
no Water, nor scarce a Bird to be seen, during your Passage over 
these barren Crags and Valleys. The Sapona River proves to be the 
West Branch of Cape- Fair, or Clarendon River, whose Inlet, with 
other Advantages, makes it appear as noble a River to plant a Colony 
in, as any I have met withal. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAKOLIXA. 103 

The Saponas had (about 10 days before we came thither) taken 
Five Prisoners of the Sinnagers or Jennitos, a Sort of People that 
range several thousands of ^Miles, making all Prey they lay their 
Hands on. These are fear'd by all the savage Nations I ever was 
among, the Westward Indians dreading their Approach. They are 
all forted in, and keep continual Spies and Out-Guards for their 
better Security. Those Captives they did intend to burn, few 
Prisoners of War escaping that Punishment. The Fire of Pitch- 
Pine bemg got ready, and a Feast appointed, which is solemnly kept 
at the time of their acting this Tragedy, the Sufferer has his Body 
stuck thick with Light- Wood-Splintere, which are lighted like so 
many Candles, the tortur'd Person dancing round a great Fire, till 
his Strength fails, and disables him from making them any farther 
Pastime. Most commonly, these Wretches behave themselves (in 
the Mdst of their Tortures) with a great deal of Bravery and Reso- 
lution, esteeming it Satisfaction enough, to be assur'd, that the same 
Fate will befal some of their Tormentors, whensoever they fall into 
the Hands of their Nation. More of this you will have in the other 
Sheets. 

The Toteros, a neighbouring Nation, came down from the West- 
ward Mountains, to the Saponas, desiring them to give them those 
Prisoners into their Hands, to the Intent they might send them back 
into their own Nation, being bound in Gratitude to be serviceable 
to the Sinnagers, since not long ago, those 'Novthevn- Indians had 
taken some of the Toteros Prisoners, and done them no Harm, but 
treated them civilly whilst among them, sending them, with Safety, 
back to their own People, and affirming, that it would be the best 
Method to preserve Peace on all Sides. At that, time these Toteros, 
Saponas, and the Keyauwees, 3 small Nations, were going to live 
together, by which they thought they should strengthen themselves, 
and become formidable to their Enemies. The Reasons offer' d by 
the Toteros being heard, the Sapona King, with the Consent of 
his Counsellors, deliver' d the Sinnagers up to the Toteros, to conduct 
them home. 

Friday Morning, the old Eling having shew'd us 2 of his Horses, 
that were as fat, as if they had belong' d to the Dutch Troopers, left 
us, and went to look after his Bever-Traps, there being abundance 
of those amphibious Animals in this River, and the Creeks adjoining. 
Taken with the Pleasantness of the Place, we walk'd along the 
River-side, where we found a very delightful island, made by the 
River, and a Branch; there being several such Plots of Ground 
environ' d with this Silver Stream, which are fit Pastures for Sheep, 
and free from any offensive Vermin. Nor can any thing be desired 
by a contented Alind, as to a pleasant Situation, but what may here 
be found; Every Step presenting some new Object, which still adds 
Invitation to the Traveller in these Parts. Our Indian King and 
his Wife entertain' d us very respectfully. 

Saturday. Jan. '31. — On Saturday, the Indians brought in some 
Swans, and Geese, which we had our Share of. One of their Doctors 
took me to his Cabin, and shew'd me a great Quantity of medicinal 
Drugs, the Produce of those Parts; Relating their Qualities as to the 
Emunctories they work'd by, and what great Maladies he had heal'd 
by them. This Evening, came to us the Horses, with the Remainder 
of our Company, their Indian Guide (who was a Youth of this Na- 



104 INDIANS OF NOBTH CAROLINA. 

tion) having kill'd in their Way, a very fat Doe, Part of which they 
brought to us. 

Sunday. — This day, the King sent out all his able Hunters, to kill 
Game for a great Feast, that was to be kept at their Departure, 
from the Town, which they offer' d to sell me for a small matter. 
That Piece of Ground, with a little Trouble, would make an English- 
man a most curious Settlement, containing above a Mile square 
of rich Land. This Evening, came down some Toteros, tall, likely 
Men, having great Plenty of Buffelos, Elks, and Bears, with other 
sort of Deer amongst them, which strong Food makes large, robust 
Bodies. Enquiring of them, if they never got any of the Bezoar 
Stone, and giving them a Description how it was found, the Indians 
told me, they had great plenty of it; and ask'd me. What use I could 
make of it ? I answer' d them. That the white Men us'd it in Physick, 
and that I would buy some of them, if they would get it against I 
came that wa^ again. Thereupon, one of them pull'd out a Leather- 
Pouch, wherem was some of it in Powder; he was a notable Hunter, 
and affirm' d to me, That that Powder, blown into the Eyes, strength- 
en' d the Sight and Brain exceedingly, that being the most common Use 
they made of it. I bought, for 2 or 3 Flints, a large Peach-Loaf, made 
up with a pleasant sort of Seed; and this did us a singular Kindness, 
in our Journey. Near the Town, within their clear' d Land, are several 
Bagnios, or Sweating-Houses, made of Stone, in Shape like a large 
Oven. These they make much Use of; especially, for any Pains in 
the Joints, got by Cold, or Travelling. At Night, as we lay in our 
Beds, there arose the most violent N. W. Wind I ever knew. The 
first Puff blew down all the Palisadoes that fortify' d the Town; and 
I thought it would have blown us all into the River, together with the 
Houses. Our one-ey'd King, who pretends much to the Art of Con- 
juration, ran out in the most violent Hurry, and in the Middle of the 
Town, fell to his Necromantick Practice; tho' I thought he would 
have been blown away or kill'd, before the Devil and he could have 
exchang'd half a dozen Words; but in two Minutes, the Wind was 
ceas'd, and it became as great a Calm, as I ever knew in my Life. 
As I much admir'd at that sudden Alteration, the old Man told me, 
the Devil was very angry, and had done thus, because they had not 
put the Sinnagers to Death. 

On Monday Morning, our whole Company, with the Horses, set 
out from the Sapona- Indian Town, after having seen some of the 
Locust, which is gotten thereabouts, the same Sort that bears 
Honey. Going over several Creeks, very convenient for Water- 
Mills, about 8 Miles from the Town, we pass'd over a very pretty 
River, call'd Rocky River, a fit Name, having a Ridge of high Moun- 
tains running from its Banks, to the Eastward; and disgorging itself 
into Sapona-RiveT; so that there is a most pleasant and convenient 
Neck of Land, betwixt both Rivers, lying upon a Point, where many 
thousand Acres may be fenced in, without much Cost or Labour. 
You can scarce go a Mile, without meeting with one of these small 
swift Currents, here being no Swamps to be found, but pleasant, dry 
Roads all over the Country. The Way that we went tnis day, was 
as full of Stones, as any which Craven, in the West of YorksMre, 
could afford, and having nothing but Moggisons on my Feet, I was 
so lam'd by this stony Way, that I thought I must have taken up 
some Stay in those Parts. We went, this day, not above 15 or 20 



IInDIANS of NOETH CAEOLIISrA. 105 

Miles. After we had siipp'd, and all lay do^vn to sleep, there came a 
Wolf close to the Fire-side, where we lay. My Spaniel soon discover'd 
him, at which, one of our Company fir'd a Gun at the Beast; but, I 
believe, there was a Mstake in the loading of it, for it did him no 
Harm. The Wolf stay'd till he had almost loaded again, but the 
Bitch making a great Noise, at last left us and went aside. We had 
no sooner laid down, but he approach'd us again, yet was more shy, 
so that we could not get a Shot at him. 

Tuesday. — Next day, we had 15 Allies farther to the Keyauwees. 
The Land is more mountainous, but extremely pleasant, and an 
excellent Place for the breeding Sheep, Goats, and Horses; or Mules, 
if the English were once brought to the Experience of the Usefulness 
of those Creatures. The Valloys are here very rich. At Noon, we 
pass'd over such another stony River, as that eight Miles from 
Sapona. This is cair'd HeigJiwaree, and affords as good blue Stone 
for Mill-Stones, as that from Cologn, good Rags, some Hones, and 
large Pebbles, in great abundance, besides Free-Stone of severai 
Sorts, all very useful. I knew one of these Hones made use of by 
an Acquaintance of mine, and it prov'd rather better than any from 
Old Spain, or elsewhere. The Veins of Marble are very large and 
curious on this River, and the Banks thereof. 

Five Miles from this River, to the N. W. stands the Keyauwees 
Town. They are fortify' d in, with wooden Puncheons, like Sapona, 
being a People much of the same Number. Nature hath so fortify' d 
this Town, with Mountains, that were it a Seat of War, it might 
easily be made impregnable; having large Corn-Fields joining to 
their Cabins, and a Savanna near the Town, at the Foot of these 
Mountains, that is capable of keeping some hundred Heads of Cattle. 
And all this environ' d round with very high Mountains, so that no 
hard Wind ever troubles these Inhabitants. Those high Chfts have 
no Grass growing on them, and very few Trees, which are very short, 
and stand at a great Distance one from another. The Earth is of a 
red Colour, and seems to me to be wholly design' d by Nature for the 
Production of Minerals, being of too hot a Quality, to suffer any 
Verdure upon its Surface. These Indians make use of Lead-Ore, to 
paint their Faces withal, v/hich they get in the neighbouring Moun- 
tains. As for the refining of Metals, the Indians are wholly ignorant 
of it, being content with the Realgar. But if it be my Chance, once 
more to visit these Hilly Parts, I shall make a longer Stay amongst 
them: For were a good Vein of Lead found out, and work'd by an 
ingenious Hand, it might be of no small Advantage to the Under- 
taker, there being great Convenience for smelting, either by Bellows 
or Reverberation; and the Working of these !Mjiies might discover 
some that are much richer. 

At the Top of one of these Mountains, is a Cave that 100 Men may 
sit very conveniently to dine in; whether natural, or artificial, I 
could not learn. There is a fine Bole between this Place, and the 
Saps. These Valleys thus hemm'd in with Mountains, would (doubt- 
less) prove a good place for propagating some sort of Fruits, that our 
Easterly Winds commonly blast. The Vine could not mis of thriving 
well here; but we of the Northern CHmate are neither Artists, nor 
curious, in propagating that pleasant and profitable Vegetable. 
Near the Town, is such another Current, as HeigJiwaree. We being 
six in Company, divided ourselves into Two Parties; and it was my 



106 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

Lot to be at the House of Keyauwees Jack, who is King of that 
People. He is a Congeree-Indian, and ran away when he was a Boy. 
He got this Government by Marriage with the Queen; the Female 
Issue carrying the Heritage, for fear of Impostors; the Savages well 
knowing, how much Frailty possesses the Indian Women, betwixt the 
Garters and the Girdle. 

Wednesday. — The next day, having some occasion to write, the 
Indian King, who saw me, believ'd that he could write as well as I. 
Whereupon, I wrote a Word, and gave it him to copy, which he did 
with more Exactness, than any European could have done, that was 
illiterate. It was so well, that he who could read mine, might have 
done the same by his. Afterwards, he took great Delight in making 
Fish-hooks of his own Invention, which would have been a good 
Piece for an Antiquary to have puzzled his Brains withal, in tracing 
out the Characters of all the Oriental Tongues. He sent for several 
Indians to his Cabin, to look at his Handy-work, and both he and 
they thought, I could read his Writing as well as I could my own. 
I had a Manual in my Pocket, that had King David's Picture in it, 
in one of his private Retirements. The Indian ask'd me. Who that 
Figure represented ? I told him. It was the Picture of a good King, 
that liv'd according to the Rules of Morality, doing to all as he 
would be done by, ordering aU his Life to the Service of the Creator 
of aU things; and being now above us all, in Heaven, with God 
Almighty, who had rewarded him with all the delightful Pleasures 
imaginable in the other World, for his Obedience to him in this; I 
concluded, with telling them, that we received nothing here below, 
as Food, Raiment, <&c. but what came from that Omnipotent Being. 
They listned to my Discourse with a profound Silence, assuring me, 
that they believ'd what I said to be true. No Man living will ever 
be able to make these Heathens sensible of the Happiness of a future 
State, except he now and then mentions some lively carnal Repre- 
sentation, which may quicken their Apprehensions, and make them 
thirst after such a gainful Exchange; for, were the best Lecture that 
ever was preach'd by Man, given to an ignorant sort of People, in a 
more learned Style, than their mean Capacities are able to under- 
stand, the Intent would prove ineffectual, and the Hearers would be 
left in a greater Labyrinth than their Teacher found them in. But 
dispense the Precepts of our Faith according to the Pupil's Capacity, j 
and there is nothing in our Religion, but what an indifferent Reason 
is, in some measure, able to comprehend; tho' a New-England 
Minister blames the French Jesuits for this way of Proceeding, as 
being quite contrary to a true Christian Practice, and affirms it to be 
no ready, or true Method, to establish a lively Representation of our 
Christian Belief amongst these Infidels. 

AU the Indians hereabouts carefully preserve the Bones of the 
Flesh they eat, and burn them, as being of Opinion, that if they 
omitted that Custom, the Game would leave their Country, and they 
should not be able to maintain themselves by their Hunting. Most 
of these Indians wear Mustachoes, or Whiskers, which is rare; by 
reason the Indians are a People that commonly pull the Hair of their 
Faces, and other Parts, up by the Roots, and suffer none to grow. 
Here is plenty of Chesnuts, which are rarely found in Carolina, and 
never near the Sea, or Salt-Water; tho' they are frequently in such 
Places in Virginia. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 107 

At the other House, where our Fellow Travellers lay, they had 
provided a Dish, in great Fashion amongst the Indians, which was 
Two young Fawns, taken out of the Doe's Bellies, and boil'd in the 
same slimy Bags Nature had plac'd them in, and one of the Country- 
Hares, stew'd with the Guts in her Belly, and her Skin with the Hair 
on. This new-fashion' d Cookery wrought Abstinence in our Fellow- 
Travellers, which I somewhat wonder'd at, because one of them made 
nothing of eatmg Allegaiors, as heartily as if it had been Pork and 
Turneps. The Indians dress most things after the Wood-cock 
Fashion, never taking the Guts out. At the House we lay at, there 
was very good Entertainment of Venison, Turkies, and Bears; and 
which is customary amongst the Indians, the Queen had a Daughter 
by a former Husband, who was the beautifullest Indian I ever saw, 
and had an Air of Majesty with her, quite contrary to the general 
Carriage of the Indians. She was very kind to the English, during 
our Abode, as well as her Father and Mother. 

Thursday. — This Morning, most of our Company havuig some 
Inchnation to go straight away for Virginia, when they left this 
Place; I and one more took our leaves of them, resolving (with 
God's Leave) to see North- Carolinxi, one of the Indians setting us in 
our way. The rest being indifferent which way they went, desired 
us, by all means, to leave a Letter for them, at the Achonechy-Town. 
The Indian that put us in our Path, had been a Prisoner amongst the 
Sinnagers; but had out-run them, although they had cut his Toes, 
and half his Feet away, which is a Practice common amongst them. 
They first raise the Skin, then cut away half the Feet, and so wrap 
the Skin over the Stumps, and make a present Cure of the Wounds. 
This commonly disal^les them from making their Escape, they being 
not so good Travellers as before, and the Impression of their Half- 
Feet maldng it easy to trace them. However, this Fellow was got 
clear of them, but had httle Heart to go far from home, and carry'd 
always a Case of Pistols in his Girdle, besides a Cutlass, and a Fuzee. 
Leaving the rest of our Company at the Indian-Town, we travell'd, that 
day, about 20 Miles, in very cold, frosty Weather; and pass'd over 
two pretty Rivers, something bigger than Eeighwaree, but not quite 
so stony. We took these two Rivers to make one of the Northward 
Branches of Cape-Fair River, but afterwards found our Mistake. 

Friday. — The next day, we travell'd over very good Land, but 
full of Free-Stone, and Marble, which pinch'd our Feet severely. We 
took up our Quarters in a sort of Savanna-Ground, that had very iexv 
Trees in it. The Land was good, and had several Quarries of Stone, 
but not loose, as the others us'd to be. 

Saturday. — Next Morning, we got our Breakfasts of Parch'd Corn, 
having nothing but that to subsist on for above 100 Miles. All the 
Pine-Trees were vanish'd, for we had seen none for two days. We 
pass'd through a dehcate rich Soil this day; no great Hills, but pretty 
Risings, and Levels, which made a beautiful Country. We hkewise 
pass'd over three Rivers this day; the first about the bigness of Rocky 
River, the other not much differing in Size. Then we made not the 
least Question, but we had pass'd over the North-West Branch of 
Cape- Fair, travelling that day above 30 IVIiles. We were much taken 
with the Fertihty and Pleasantness of the Neck of Land between 
these two Branches, and no less pleas'd, that v\^e had pass'd the River, 
which us'd ^o frighten Passengers from fordmg it. At last, deter- 



108 IlSTDIAISrS OF NORTH CAEOLINA, 

mining to rest on the other side of a Hill, which we saw before 
us; when we were on the Top thereof, there appeared to us such 
another delicious, rapid Stream, as that qi Sapona, having large 
Stones, about the bigness of an ordinary House lying up and down 
the River. As the Wind blew very cold at N.W. and we were very 
weary, and hungry, the Swiftness of the Current gave us some cause 
to fear; but, at last, we concluded to venture over that Night. 
Accordingly, we stripp'd, and with great Difficulty, (by God's 
Assistance) got safe to the North-side of the famous Hau-River, by 
some called Rearkin; the Indians differing in the Names of Places, 
according to their several Nations. It is call'd Hau-'RvvQr, from the 
Sissipahau Indians, who dwell upon this Stream, which is one of the 
main Branches of Cape- Fair, there being rich Land enough to contain 
some Thousands of Famihes; for which Reason, I hope, in a short 
time, it will be planted. This River is much such another as Sapona; 
both seeming to run a vast way up the Country. Here is plenty of 
good Timber, and especially, of a Scaly-bark'd Oak; And as there 
is Stone enough in both Rivers, and the Land is extraordinary Rich, 
no Man that wiU be content within the Bounds of Reason, can have 
any grounds to dishke it. And they that are otherwise, are the best 
Neighbours, when farthest off. 

Sunday. — As soon as it was day, we set out for the Achonechy- 
Town, it being, by Estimation, 20 Miles off, which, I beheve, is pretty 
exact. We were got about half way, (meeting great Gangs of 
Turkies) when we saw, at a Distance, 30 loaded Horses, coming on the 
Road, with four or five Men, on other Jades, driving them. We 
charg'd our Piece, and went up to them: Enquiring, whence they 
came from? They told us, from Virginia. The leading Man's 
Name was Massey, who was born about Leeds in Yorlcshire. He 
ask'd, from whence we came ? We told him. Then he ask'd again, 
Whether we wanted any thing that he had ? telUng us, we should be 
welcome to it. We accepted Two Wheaten Biskets, and a little 
Ammunition. He advised us, by all means, to strike down the 
Country for Ronoack, and not think of Virginia, because of the 
Sinnagers, of whom they were afraid, tho' so well arm'd, and numer- 
ous. They persuaded us also, to call upon one Enoe Will, as we went 
to AdsJiusheer, for that he would conduct us safe among the English, 
giving him the Character of a very faithful Indian, which we after- 
wards found true by Experience. Tho Virginia-Men asking our 
Opinion of the Country we were then in ? we told them, it was a very 
pleasant one. They were all of the same Opinion, and affirm'd, 
That they had never seen 20 Miles of such extraordinary rich Land, 
lying all together, hke that betwixt iZait-River and the Achonechy 
Town. Having taken our Leaves of each other, we set forward; and 
the Country, thro' which we pass'd, was so delightful, that it gave us 
a great deal of Satisfaction. About Three a Clock, we reach' d the 
Town, and the Indians presently brought us good fat Bear, and Veni- 
son, which was very acceptable at that time. Their Cabins were 
hung v/ith a good sort of Tapestry, as fat Bear, and barbakued or dried 
Venison; no Indians having greater Plenty of Provisions than these. 
The Savages do, indeed, still possess the Flower of Carolinxi, the 
English, enjoying only the Fag-end of that fine Country. We had not 
been in the Town 2 Hours, when Enoe- Will came into the King's Cabin; 
which was our Quarters. We ask'd him, if he would conduct us to 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 109 

the English, and what he would have for his Pains; he answer'd, he 
would go along with us, and for what he was to have, he left that to 
our Discretion. 

Monday. — The next Morning, we set out, with Enoe- WiU, towards 
Adshusheer, leaving the Virginia Path, and striking more to the 
Eastward, for Ronoack. Several Indians were in our Company 
belonging to WilVs Nation, who are the SJioccories, mixt with the 
Enoe-Indians, and those of the Nation of AdshusJieer. Enoe- Will is 
their chief Man, and rules as far as the Banks of Reatkin. It was a 
sad stony Way to Adsliusheer. We went over a small Eiver by 
Achonechy, and in this 14 MUes, through several other Streams, 
which empty themselves into the Branches of Cape- Fair. The 
stony Way made me quite lame; so that I was an Hour or two behind 
the rest; but honest Will would not leave me, but bid "me welcome 
when we came to his House, feasting us with hot Bread, and Bears- 
Oil; which is wholsome Food for Travellers. There runs a pretty 
Rivulet by this Town. Near the Plantation, I saw a prodigious over- 
grown Pine-Tree, having not seen any of that Sort of Timber for above 
125 Miles: They brought us 2 Cocks, and pulled their larger Feathers 
off, never plucking the lesser, but singeing them off. I took one of 
these Fowls in my Hand, to make it cleaner than the Indian had, 
pulling out his Guts and Liver, which I laid in a Bason; notwith- 
standing which, he kept such a Struggling for a considerable time, 
that I had much ado to hold him in my Hands. The Indians laugh'd 
at me, and told me, that Enoe- Will had taken a Cock of an Indian 
that was not at home, and the Fowl was designed for another Use. 
I conjectur'd, that he was design'd for an Offering to their God, who, 
they say, hurts them, (which is the Devil.) In this Struggling, he 
bled afresh, and there issued out of his Body more Blood than com- 
monly such Creatures afford. Notwithstanding all this, we cook'd 
him, and eat him; and if ho was design'd for him, cheated the Devil. 
The Indians keep many Cocks, but seldom above one Hen, using very 
often such wicked Sacrifices, as I mistrusted this Fowl was designed 
for. 

Our Guide and Landlord Enoe-Will was of the best and most 
agreeable Temper that ever I met with in an Indian, being always 
ready to serve the English, not out of Gain, but real Affection; which 
makes him apprehensive of being poison'd by some wicked Indians, 
and was therefore very earnest with me, to promise him to revenge 
his Death, if it should so happen. He brought some of his chief 
Men into his Cabin, and 2 of them having a Drum, and a Rattle, 
sung by us, as we lay in Bed, and struck up their Musick to serenade 
and welcome us to their Town. And tho' at last, we fell asleep, 
yet they continu'd their Consort till Morning. These Indians are 
fortify'd in, as the former, and are much addicted to a Sport they 
call Chenco, which is carry'd on with a Staff and a Bowl made of 
Stone, which they trundle upon a smooth Place, hke a Bowling- 
Green, made for that Purpose, as I have mention' d before. 

Tuesday. — Next Morning, we set out, with our Guide, and several 
other Indians, who intended to go to the English, and buy Rum. 
We design'd for 'a Nation about 40 Miles from Adshusheer, call'd 
the Lower Quarter: The first Night, we lay in a rich Perlcoson, or 
low Ground, that was hard-by a Creek, and good dry Land. 



110 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Wednesday. — The next day, we went over several Tracts of rich 
Land, but mix'd with Pm6s and other indifferent Soil. In our way, 
there stood a great Stone about the Size of a large Oven, and hollow; 
this the Indians took great Notice of, putting some Tobacco into 
the Concavity, and spitting after it. I ask'd them the Rea,son of 
their so doing, but they made me no Answer. In the Evening, we 
pass'd over a pleasant Rivulet, with a fine gravelly Bottom, having 
come over such another that Morning. On the other side of this 
River, we found the Indian Town, which was a Parcel of nasty 
smoaky Holes, much Hke the Waterrees; their Town having a great 
Swamp running directly through the Middle thereof. The Land 
here begins to abate of its Height, and has some few Swamps. Most 
of these Indiana have but one Eye; but what Mischance or Quarrel 
has bereav'd them of the other I could not learn. They were not 
so free to us, as most of the other Indians had been; Victuals being 
somewhat scarce among them. However, we got enough to satisfy 
our Appetites. I saw, among these Men, very long Arrows, headed 
with Pieces of Glass, which they had broken from Bottles. They 
had shap'd them neatly, hke the Head of a Dart; but which way 
they did it, I can't teU. We had not been at this Town above an 
Hour, when two of our Company, that had bought a Mare of John 
Stewart, came up to us, having receiv'd a Letter by one of WiWs 
Indians, who was very cautious, and asked a great many Questions, 
to certifie him of the Person, e'er he would dehver the Letter. They 
had left the Trader, and one that came from South- Carolina with us, 
to go to Virginia; these Two being resolved to go to Carolina with us. 

Thursday. — This Day fell much Rain, so we staid at the Indian 
Town. 

Friday. — This Morning, we set out early, being four English- 
Men, besides several Indians. We went 10 Miles, and were then 
stopp'd by the Freshes of Enoe-^wev, which had rais'd it so high, 
that we could not pass over, till it was fallen. I enquir'd of my 
Guide, Where this River disgorg'd it self? He said. It was Enoe- 
River, and run into a Place caU'd E'noe-Bay, near his Country, 
which he left when he was a Boy; by which I perceiv'd, he was one 
of the Cores by Birth: This being a Branch of iVews-River. 

Saturday. — This Day, our Fellow-TraveUer's Mare ran away from 
him; wherefore, WiU went back as far as the lower Quarter, and 
brought her back. 

Sunday. — The next Day, early, came two TusTceruro Indians to 
the other side of the River, but could not get over. They talk'd 
much to us, but we understood them not. In the Afternoon, WiU 
came with the Mare, and had some Discourse with them; they told 
him, The English, to whom he was going, were very wicked People; 
and. That they threatned the Indians for Hunting near their Plan- 
tations. These Two Fellows were going among the Schoccores and 
Achonechy Indians, to seU their Wooden Bowls and Ladles for Raw- 
Skins, which they make great Advantage of, hating that any of 
these Westward Indians should have any Commerce with the Erig- 
lish, which would prove a Hinderance to then* Gains. Their Stories 
deteiT'd an Old Indian and his Son, from going any farther; but 
WiU told us, Nothing they had said should frighten him, he beUev- 
ing them to be a couple of Hog-stealers ; and that the English only 
sought Restitution of their Losses, by them; and that this was the 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. Ill 

only ground for their Report. WiU had a Slave, a Sissipdhau- Indian 
by Nation, who killed us several Turkies, and other Game, on which 
we feasted. 

Monday. — This River is near as large as Reatkin; the South-side 
having curious Tracts of good Land, the Banks high, and Stone- 
Quarries. The TusJceruros being come to us, we ventured over the 
River, which we found to be a strong Current, and the Water about 
Breast-high. However, we all got safe to the North-Shore, which 
is but poor, white, sandy Land, and bears no Timber, but small 
shrubby OalvS. We went about 10 Miles, and sat down at the Falls 
of a large Creek, where lay mighty Rocks, the Water making a 
strange Noise, as if a great many Water-Mills were going at once. 
I take this to be the Falls of Neus-Creek, called by the Indians, 
Wee quo Whom. We lay here aU Night. My Guide WiU deshing 
to see the Book that I had about me, I lent it him; and as he soon 
found the Picture of King David, he asked me several Questions 
concerning the Book, and Picture, which I resolv'd him, and invited 
him to become a Christian. He made me a very sharp Reply, 
assuring me. That he lov'd the English extraordinary well, and did 
beUeve their Ways to be very good for those that had already practis'd 
them, and had been brought up therein; But as for himself, he was 
too much in Years to think of a Change, esteeming it not proper for 
Old People to admit of such an alteration. However, he told me. 
If I would take his Son Jaclc, who was then about 14 Years of Age, 
and teach him to talk in that Book, and make Paper speak, which 
they caU our Way of Writing, he would wholly resign him to my 
Tuition; telling me, he was of Opinion, I was very well affected to 
the Indians. 

Tuesday. — The next Morning, we set out early, and I perceiv'd 
that these Indians were in some fear of Enemies; for they had an 
Old Man with them, who was very cunning and circumspect, where- 
soever he saw any Marks of Footing, or of any Fire that had been 
made; going out of his Way, very often, to look for these Marks. 
We went, this day, above 30 Miles, over a very level Country, and 
most Pine Land, yet intermix'd with some Quantities of Marble; a 
good Range for Cattel, though very indifferent for Swine. We had 
now lost our rapid Streams, and were come to slow, dead Waters, of 
a brown Colour, proceeding from the Swamps, much hke the Sluices 
in Holland, where the Track-^S^cooi^s go along. In the Afternoon, 
we met two Tuslieruros, who told us. That there was a Company of 
Hunters not far of, and if we walk'd stoutly, we might reach them 
that Night. But Will and He that own'd the Mare, being gone 
before, and the Old Indian tired, we rested, that Night, in the Woods, 
making a good hght Fire, Wood being very plentiful in these parts. 

Wednesday. — Next Day, about 10 a Clock, we struck out of the 
Way, by the Advice of om- Old Indian. We had not gone past two 
Miles, e'er we met with about 500 TusTceruros in one Hunting-Quarter. 
They had made themselves Streets of Houses, built with Pine-Bark, 
not with round Tops, as they commonly use, but Ridge-Fashion, 
after the manner of most other Indians. We got nothing amongst 
them but Corn, Flesh being not plentiful, by reason of the great 
Number of their People. For tho' they are expert Hunters, yet 
they are too ^populous for one Range; which makes Venison very 
scarce to what it is amongst other Indians, that are fewer; no Savages 

I 



112 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

living so well for Plenty, as those near the Sea. I saw, amongst 
these, a Humpback'd Indian, which was the only crooked one I 
ever met withal. About two a Clock, we reach'd one of their Towns, 
in which there was no body left, but an Old Woman or two; the rest 
being gone to their Hunting Quarters. We could find no Provision 
at that Place. We had a Tuskeruro that came in company with us, 
from the lower Quarter, who took us to his Cabin, and gave us what 
it afforded, which was Corn-meat. 

Thursday. — This Day, we pass'd through several Swamps, and 
going not above a dozen Miles, came to a Cabin, the Master whereof 
us'd to trade amongst the English. He told us. If we would stay 
Two Nights, he would conduct us safe to them, himseK designing, 
at that time, to go and fetch some Rum; so we resolved to tarry 
for his Company. During our Stay, there happen'd to be a Young 
Woman troubled with Fits. The Doctor who was sent for to assist 
her, laid her on her Belly, and made a small Incision with Rattle- 
Snake-Tceth; then laying his Mouth to the Place, he suck'd out 
near a Quart of black conglutinated Blood, and Serum. Our Land- 
lord gave us the Tail of a Bever, v/hich was a choice Food. 

Friday. — There happen'd also to be a Burial of one of their Dead, 
which Ceremony is much the same with that of the Santees, who 
make a great Feast at the Interment of their Corps. The small 
Runs of Water hereabout, afford great Plenty of Craw-Fish, fuU as 
large as those in England, and nothing inferior in Goodness. 

Saturday Morning, our Patron, with Enoe Will, and his Servant, 
set out with us, for the English. In the Afternoon, we ferried over 
a River, (in a Canoe) called by the Indians, Ohattookau, which is the 
N. W. Branch of iVeus-River. We lay in the Swamp, where some 
Indians invited us to go to their Quarters, which some of our Com- 
pany accepted, but got nothing extraordinary, except a dozen Miles 
March out of their Way: The Country here is very thick of Indian 
Towns and Plantations. 

Sunday. — We were forced to march, this day, for Want of Pro- 
visions. About 10 a Clock, we met an Indian that had got a parcel 
of Shad-Fish ready barbaku'd. We bought 24 of them, for a dress'd 
Doe-Skin, and so went on, through many Swamps, finding, this day, 
the long ragged Moss on the Trees, which we had not seen for above 
600 Miles. In the Afternoon, we came upon the Banks of Pampti- 
cough, about 20 Miles above the English Plantations by Water, 
though not so far by Land. The Indian found a Canoe, which he 
had hidden, in which we all got over, and went about six Miles 
farther. We lay, that Night, under two or three Pieces of Bark, 
at the Foot of a large Oak. There fell abundance of Snow and 
Rain in the Night, with much Thunder and Jjightning, 

Monday. — Next Day, it clear'd up, and it being about 12 Miles 
to the English, about half-way we passed over a deep Creek, and 
came safe to Mr. Richard Smith's, of Pampticough-'RiveT, in North- 
Carolina; where being well received b}^ the Inhabitants, and pleas'd 
with the Goodness of the Country, we all resolv'd to continue. 

Fims. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 113 

A Description of North-Carolina. 

CAROLINA HOW BOUNDED. 

The Province of Carolina is separated irom Virginia by a due 
West-Line, which begins at CwTituck-lnlet, in 36 Degrees, 30 Min- 
utes, of Northern-Latitude, and extends indefinite!}^ to the West- 
ward, and thence to the Southward, as far as 29 Degrees; which is 
a vast Tract of Sea-Coast. But having already treated, as far as is 
necessary, concerning Sowih- Carolina, I shall confine myself, in the 
ensuing Sheets, to give my Reader a Description of that Part of the 
Country only, which lies betwixt Currituck and Cape- Fair, and is 
almost 34 Deg. North. And this is commonly call'd Norih Carolina. 

This Part of Carolina, is faced with a Chain of Sand-Banks, which 
defends it from the Violence and Insults of the Atlantick Ocean; by 
which Barrier, a vast Sound is hemm'd in, which fronts the Mouths 
of the Navigable and Pleasant Rivers of this Fertile Country, and 
into which they disgorge themselves. 

INLETS. 

Thro' the same are Inlets of several Depths of Water. Some of 
their Channels admit only of Sloops, Brigantines, small Barks, and 
Ketches; and such are Currituck, Ronoak, and up the Sound above 
Eatteras: Whilst others can receive Ships of Burden, as Ocacock:, Top- 
sail-Inlet, and Cape-Fair; as appears by my Chart. 

FIRST COLONY OF CAROLINA. 

The first Discovery and Settlement of this Country was by the 
Procurement of Sir Walter Raleigh, in Conjunction with some pubUck- 
spirited Gentlemen of that Age, under the Protection of Queen 
Elizabetli; for which Reason it was then named Virginia, being 
begun on that Part called i?o?70fl^-Island, where the Ruins of a Fort 
are to be seen at this day, as well as some old English Coins which 
have been lately found; and a Brass-Gun, a Powder-Horn, and one 
small Quarter deck-Gun, made of Iron Staves, and hoop'd with the 
same Metal; which Method of making Guns might very probably 
be made use of in those Days, for the Convenience of Infant-Colonies. 

HATTER AS INDIANS. 

A farther Confirmation of this we have from the Eatteras Indians, 
who either then hved on i?onoafc-Island, or much frequented it. 
These tell us, that several of their Ancestors were white People, 
and could talk in a Book, as we do; the Truth of which is confirm'd 
by gray Eyes being found frequently amongst these Indians, and 
no others. They value themselves extremely for their Affinitj^ to 
the English, and are ready to do them all friendl}^ Offices. It is 
probable, that this Settlement miscarry' d for want of timely Supplies 
from England; or thro' the Treachery of the Natives, for we may 
reasonably suppose that the English were forced to cohabit with 
them, for Relief and Conversation; and that in process of Time, 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 8 



114 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

they conform'd tliemselves to the Manners of their Indian Kelations, 
And thus we see, how apt Humane Nature is to degenerate. 

SIR WALTER RALEIGH's SHIP. 

I cannot forbear inserting here, a pleasant Story that passes for 
an uncontested Truth amongst the Inhabitants of this Place; which 
is, that the Ship which brought the first Colonies, does often appear 
amongst them, under Sail, in a gallant Posture, which they call Sir 
Walter Raleigh's Ship; And the truth of this has been afhrm'd to me, 
by Men of the best Credit in the Country. 

SECOND SETTLEMENT OF NORTH CAROLINA PLEASANTNESS OF 

CAROLINA. 

A second Settlement of this Country was made about fifty Years 
ago, in that part we now call Alhernarl-Countj, and chiefly in Chuwon 
Precinct, by several substantial Planters, from Virginia, and other 
Plantations; Who finding mild Winters, and a fertile Soil, beyond 
Expectation, producing every thing that was planted, to a jjrodi- 
gious Increase; their Cattle, iforses, Sheep, and Swine, breeding very 
fast, and passing the Winter, without any Assistance from the 
Planter; so that every thing seem'd to come by Nature, the Husband- 
man living almost void of Care, and free from those Fatigues which 
are absolutely rejuisite in Winter-Countries, for providing Fodder 
and other Necessaries; these Encouragements induc'd them to stand 
their Ground, altho' but a handful of People, seated at great Distances 
one from another, and amidst a vast number of Indians of different 
Nations, who were then in Carolina. Nevertheless, I say, the Fame 
of this new-discover'd Summer-Country spread thro' the neighbouring 
Colonies, and, in a few Years, drew a considerable Number of Families 
thereto, who all found Land enough to settle themselves in, (had they 
been many Thousands more) and that which was very good and com- 
modiously seated, both for Profit and Pleasure. And indeed, most 
of the Plantations in Carolina naturally enjoy a noble Prospect of 
large and spacious Rivers, pleasant Savanna's, and fine Meadows, 
with their green Liveries, interwoven with beautiful Flowers, of most 
glorious Colours, which the several Seasons afford; hedg'd in with 
pleasant Groves of the ever-famous Tulip -tree, the stately Laurel, 
and Bays, e^|ualizing the Oak in Bigness and Growth; Myrtles, Jessa- 
mines, Wood-bines, i loneysuckles, and several other fragrant Vines 
and Ever-greens, whose aspiiing Branches shadow and interweave 
themselves mth the loftiest Timbers, yielding a pleasant Prospect, 
Shade and Smell, proper Habitations for the Sweet-singing Birds, that 
melodiously entertain such as travel thro' the Woods of Carolina. 

The Planters ] ossessing all these Blessings, and the Produce of great 
Quantities of Wheat and Indian Corn, in which this Country is very 
fruitful, as Hkewise in Beef, Pork, Tallow, Hides, Deer-Sldns, and 
Furs; for these Commodities the New- England-Men. and Bermudianp 
visited Carolina in their Barks and Sloops, and carry' d out what they 
made, bringing them, in Exchange, Rum, Sugar, Salt, Molosses, and 
some wearing Apparel, tho' the last at very extravagant Prices. 

As the Land is very fruitful, so are the Planters kind and hospitable 
to aU that come to visit themj there being very few Housekeepers, 



INDIAN'S OF NORTH CAROLINA. 115 

i but what live very nobly, and give away more Provisions to Coasters 
and Guests who come to see them than they expend amongst their 
own families. 



An Account of the Indians of North-Carolina. 

The Indians, which were the Inhabitants of America, when the 
Spaniards and other Europeans discover' d the several Parts of that 
Country, are the People which we reckon the Natives thereof; as 
indeed they were, when we first found out those Parts, and appear'd 
therein. Yet this has not wrought in me a full Satisfaction, to allow 
these People to have been the Ancient Dwellers of the New- World, or 
Tract of Land we call America. The Reasons that I have to think 
otherwise, are too many to set down here; but I shall give the 
Reader a few, before I proceed; and some others he will find scatter'd 
in my Writings elsewhere. 

WOOD UNDER GROUND — SHELLS SOME FATHOMS IN THE EARTH, THE 
SEA PROBABLY HAS THROWN UP IN PART OF THIS COUNTRY — MEX- 
ICO BUILDINGS. 

In Carolin/i (the Part I now treat of) are the fairest jNIarks of a 
Deluge, (that at some time has probably made strange Alterations, 
; as to the Station that Country was then in) that ever I saw, or, I 
think, read of, in any History. Amongst the other Subterraneous 
Matters, that have been discover' d, we found, in digging of a Well that 
was twenty six foot deep, at the Bottom thereof, many large Pieces of 
the Tuhp-Tree, and several other sorts of Wood, some of which were 
cut and notch'd, and some squared, as the Joices of a House are, 
which appear'd (in the Judgment of all that saw them) to be wrought 
with Iron Instruments; it seeming impossible for any thing made of 
Stone, or what they were found to make use of, to cut Wood in that 
manner. It cannot be argu'd, that the Wood so cut, might float from 
some other Continent; because Iliccory and the Tulip-Tree are spon- 
taneous in America, and in no other Places, that I could ever learn. 
It is to be acknowledg'd, that the Spaniards give us Relations of 
magnificent Buildings, which were raised by the Indians of Mexico 
and other Parts, which they discover'd, and conquer'd; amongst 
whom no Iron Instruments were found: But 'tis a great T^lisfortune, 
that no Person in that Expedition was so curious, as to take an exact 
Draught of the Fabricks of those People, which would have been a 
Discovery of great Value, and very acceptable to the Ingenious; for, 
as to the Politeness of Stones, it may be effected by Collision, and 
Grinding, which is of a contrary Nature, on several Accounts, and 
disproves not my Arguments, in the least. 

EARTHEN POTS UNDER GROUND. 

The next is, the Earthen Pots that are often found under Ground, 
and at the Foot of the Banks where the Water has wash'd them away. 
They are for the most part broken in pieces; but we find them of a 
different sort, in Comparison of those the Indians use at this day, 



116 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

who have had no other, ever since the English discover' d America. 
The Bowels of the Earth cannot have alter' d them, since they are 
thicker, of another Shape, and Composition, and nearly approach to 
the Urns of the Ancient Romans. 

INDIAN PEACHES THE STONE WATERMELON AND GOURDS THE 

INDIANS HAVE ALWAYS HAD. 

Again, the Peaches, which are the only tame Fruit, or what is 
Foreign, that these People enjoy, which is an Eastern Product, and 
will keep and retain its vegetative and growing Faculty, the longest 
of any thing of that Nature, that I know of. The Stone, as I else- 
where have remark' d, is thicker than any other sort of the Peaches in 
Europe, or of the European sort, now growing in America, and is 
observed to grow if planted, after it has been for several years laid 
by; and it seems very probable, that these People might come from 
some Eastern Country; for when you ask them whence their Fore- 
Fathers came, that first inhabited the Countr}^, they will point to the 
Westward and say, WJiej'e the Sun sleeps, our Forefathers came thence, 
which, at this distance, may be reckon'd amongst the Eastern Parts 
of the World. And to this day, they are a shifting, wandring People; 
for I know some Indian Nations, that have chang'd their Settlements, 
many hundred Miles; sometimes no less than a thousand, as is prov'd 
by the Savanna Indians, who formerly lived on tlie Banks of the 
Messiasippi, and remov'd thence to the Head of one of the Rivers of 
South-Carolina; since which, (for some dislike) most of them are 
remov'd to Mve in the Quarters of the Iroquois or Sinnagars, which are 
on the Heads of the Rivers that disgorge themselves into the Bay of 
■ ChesapeaTc. I once met with a young Indian Woman, that had been 
brought from beyond the Mountains, and was sold a Slave into Vir- 
ginia. She spoke the same language, as the Coranine Indians, that 
dwell near Cap e-LooA:-ou^, allowing for some few words, which were 
different, yet no otherwise, than that they might understand one 
another very well. 

INDIAN WELL SHAP'd PEOPLE. 

The Indians of '^ovth.- Carolina are a well-shap'd clean-made People, 
of different Statures, as the Europeans are, yet chiefly inclin'd to be 
tall. They are a very streight People, and never bend forwards, or 
stoop in the Shoulders, unless much overpower' d by old Age. Their 
Limbs are exceeding well-shap'd. As for their Legs and Feet, they 
are generally the handsomest in the World. Their Bodies are a little 
flat, which is occasioned, by being laced hard down to a Board, in their 
Infancy. This is all the Cradle they have, which I shall describe at 
large elsewhere. Their Eyes are black, or of a dark Hazle; the 
Wliite is marbled with red Streaks, which is ever common to these 
People, unless when sprung from a white Father or Mother. Tlieir 
Colour is of a tawny, which would not be so dark, did they not dawb 
themselves vnth. Bears Oil, and a Colour like burnt Cork. Tliis is 
begun in their Infancy, and continued for a long time, which fills the 
Pores, and enables them better to endure the Extremity of the 
Weather. They are never bald on their Heads, although never so 
old, which, I beheve, proceeds from their Heads being always uncov- 



INDIAIiTS OP NOETH CAEOLHSTA. 117 

er'd, and the greasing their Hair (so often as they do) with Bears Fat, 
which is a great Nourisher of the Hair, and causes it to grow very fast. 
Among-st the Bears Oil (when they intend to be fine) they mix a cer- 
tain Red Powder, that comes from a Scarlet Root which they get in 
the hilly Country, near the Foot of the great Ridge of Mountains, 
and it is no where else to be found. They have this Scarlet Root in 
great Esteem, and sell it for a very great Price, one to another. The 
Reason of its Value, is because they not only go a long way for it, but 
are in great Danger of the Sinnagars or Iroquais, who are mortal 
Enemies to all our Indians, and very often take them Captives, or 
kill them, before they return from this Voyage. The Tuslceruros and 
other Indians have often brought this Seed with them from the 
Mountains; but it would never grow in our Land. With this and 
Bears Grease they anoint their Heads and Temples, which is esteem' d 
as ornamental, as sweet Powder to our Hair. Besides this Root has 
the Virtue of killing Lice, and suffers none to abide or breed in their 
Heads. For want of this Root, they sometimes use Pecoon-Root, 
which is of a Crimson Colour, but it is apt to die the Hair of an 
ugly Hue. 

NO DWAEF INDIAN TOBACCO. 

Their Eyes are commonly full and manly, and their Gate sedate 
and majestick. The}" never walk backward and forward as we do, 
nor contemplate on the Affairs of Loss and Gain; the things which 
daily perplex us. They are dexterous and steady both as to their 
Hands and Feet, to Admiration. They will walk over deep Brooks, 
and Ci'eeks, on the smallest Poles, and that \Yithout any Fear or 
Concern. Nay, an Indian will walk on the Ridge of a Barn or House 
and look do^vn the Gable-end, and spit upon the Ground, as uncon- 
cern' d, as if he was walking on Terra jirma. In Running, Leaping, 
or any such other Exercise, their Legs seldom miscarry, and give them 
a Fall; and as for letting any thing fall out of their Hands, I never 
yet knew one Example. They are no Inventors of any Arts or Trades 
worthy mention; the Reason of which I take to be, that they are not 
possess' d with that Care and Thoughtfulness, how to provide for the 
Necessaries of Life, as the Europeans are; yet they ^viU learn any 
thing very soon. I have kno^vn an Indian stock Guns better than 
most of our Joiners, although he never saw one stock'd before; and 
besides, his Working-Tool was only a sorry Knife. I have also 
known several of them that were Slaves to the English, learn Handi- 
craft-Trades very well and speedily. I never saw a Dwarf amongst 
them, nor but one that was Hump-back' d. Their Teeth are yellow 
with Smoaking Tobacco, which both Men and Women are much 
addicted to. They tell us, that they had Tobacco amongst them, 
before the Europeans made any Discovery of that Continent. It 
differs in the leaf from the sweet-scented, and Oroonolco, which are 
the Plants we raise and cultivate in Arnenca. Theirs differs hke- 
wise much in the SmeU, when green, from our Tobacco, before cured. 
They do not use the same way to cure it as we do ; and therefore, the 
Difference must be very considerable in Taste; for all Men (that 
know Tobacco) must allow, that it is the Ordering thereof which gives 
a Hogoo to that Weed, rather than any Natural Rehsh it possesses. 



118 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

when green. Although they are great Smokers, yet they never are 
seen to take it in Snuff, or chew it. 

They have no Hairs on their Faces (except some few) and those 
but httle, nor is there often found any Hair under their Arm-Pits. 
They are continually plucking it away from their Faces, by the Roots. 
As for their Privities, since they wore Tail-Clouts, to cover their 
Nakedness, several of the Men have a deal of Hair thereon. It is to 
be observ'd, that the Head of the Penis is cover'd (throughout all the 
Nations of the Indians I ever saw) both in Old and Young. Although 
we reckon these a very smooth People, and free from Hair; yet I once 
saw a middle-aged Man, that was hairy all down his Back; the Hairs 
being above an Inch long. 

FEW CRIPPLES INDIANS GOOD EYES. 

As there are found very few, or scarce any. Deformed, or Cripples, 
amongst them, so neither did I ever see but one blind Man; and then 
they would give me no Account how his Blindness came. They had 
a Use for him, which was, to lead him with a Girl, Woman, or Boy, 
by a String; so they put what Burdens they pleased upon his Back, 
and made him very serviceable upon aU such Occasions. No People 
have better Eyes, or see better in the Night or Day, than the Indians. 
Some alledge, that the Smoke of the Pitch-Pine, which they chiefly 
burn, does both preserve and strengthen the Eyes; as, perhaps, it 
may do, because that Smoak never offends the Eyes, though you 
hold your Face over a great Fire thereof. This is occasioned by the 
volatile Part of the Turpentine, which rises with the Smoke, and is 
of a friendly balsamick Nature ; for the Ashes of the Pine-Tree afford 
no fix'd Salt in them. 

NOT PAIR THEIR NAILS. 

They let their Nails grow very long, which, they reckon, is the 
Use Nails are design' d for, and laugh at the Europeans for pairing 
theirs, which they say disarms them of that which nature designed 
them for. 

And since I hinted at a Regulation of the Savages, and to propose 
a way to convert them to Christianity, I wiU first particularize the 
several Nations of Indians that are our Neighbours, and then proceed 
to what I promis'd. 

TusJceruro Indians are fifteen Towns, viz. Haruta, Waqui, Contah- 
nah, Anna Ooka, Conaub-Kare Harooka, Una Nauban, KentanusJca, 
GTiunaneets, Kenta, Eno, Naur-hegh-ne, Oonoffoora, Tofneoc, Non- 
awJiaritse, NursoorooJca; Fighting Men 1200. Waccon. Towns 2, 
Tupwauremau, Tooptatmeer, Fighting Men 120. Machapunga, Town 
1, Maramislceet, Fighting Men 30. Bear River, Town 1, Baudauqua- 
quank, Fighting Men 50. Maherring Indians, Town 1, Maherring 
River, Fighting Men 50. Chuwon Indians, Town 1, Bennets Creek, 
Fighting Men 15. PaspatanJc Indians, Town 1, PaspatanJc River, 
Fighting Men 10. PotesJceit, Town 1, Nortli River, Fighting Men 30. 
Nottaway Indians, Town 1, Winoack Creek, Fighting Men 30. Hat- 
teras Town 1, Sand Banks, Fighting Men 16. Connamox Indians, 
Towns 2, Coranine, Raruta, Fighting Men 25. Neus Indians, Towns 



INDIANS OP NOETH CAEOLINA. 119 

2, ChaUooJca, RouconTc, Fighting Men 15. PampticougJi Indians, 
Town 1, Island, Fighting Men 15. Tawpim Indians, 6 People. These 
five Nations of the Totero's, Sapona's, Keiauwee's, Aconechos, and 
Schoccories, are lately come amongst us, and may contain, in all, 
about 750 Men, Women and Children. Total 4780 

Now, there appears to be one thousand Six hundred and twelve 
Fighting Men, of our Neighbouring Indians; and probably, there are 
three Fifths of Women and Children, not including Old Men, which 
amounts to four thousand and thirty Savages, besides the five Nations 
lately come. Now, as I before hinted, we will see what grounds there 
are to make these People serviceable to us, and better themselves 
thereby. 

On a fair Scheme, we must first allow these Savages what really 
belongs to them, that is, what good Quahties, and natural Endow- 
ments, they possess, whereby they being in their proper Colours, the 
Event may be better guess'd at, and fathom'd. 

First, they are as apt to learn any Handicraft, as any People that 
th« World affords; I will except none; as is seen by their Canoes and 
Stauking Heads, which they make of themselves; but to my purpose, 
the Indian Slaves in South Carolina, and elsewhere, make my Argu- 
ment good. 

Secondly, we have no disciplin'd Men in Europe, but what have, 
at one time or other, been branded with Mutinmg, and Murmuring 
against their Cliiefs. These savages are never found guilty of that 
great Crime in a Soldier; I challenge all Mankind to tell me of one 
Instance of it; besides, they never prove Traitors to their Native 
Country, but rather chuse Death than partake and side with the 
Enemy. 

They naturally possess the Righteous Man's Gift: they are Patient 
under all Afflictions, and have a great many other Natural Vertues, 
which I have shghtly touch' d throughout the Account of these 
Savages. 

They are really better to us than we are to them; they always give 
us Victuals at their Quarters, and take care we are arm'd against 
Hunger and Thhst: We do not so by them (generaUy speaking) 
but let them walk by our Doors Hungry, and do not often reheve 
them. We look upon them with Scorn and Disdain, and think them 
Httle better than Beasts in Humane Shape, though if well examined, 
we shall find that, for aU our Rehgion and Education, we possess 
more Moral Deformities, and Evils than these Savages do, or are 
acquainted withal. 

• a -2 ■:;- « * « 



EXHIBIT F. 

HISTOBICAL SKETCH OF THE INDIANS OF ROBESON COUNTY. 

[By A. W. McLean.] 

It is our purpose to state some facts relating to the Indians now 
residing in Robeson and adjoining counties in North Carolina. 
These peculiar and interesting people have been the subject of much 
historical research during the last half century. 

The first white settlers who located in the section now comprised 
in Kobeson County were French Huguenots, who immigrated in 
large numbers from France to South Carolina after the revocation 
of the Edict of Nantes, and some of them had penetrated as far 
north as the boundary line of North Carolina, only a few miles from 
the present location of the Indians in Robeson County, in the early 
part of the eighteenth century. Scotch immigrants settled in the 
upper section of what is now Robeson County as early as 1730. 
When these white settlers first arrived they found located on the 
waters of the Lumbee, as Lumber River was then called, a tribe of 
Indians speaking broken English, tilling the soil in a rude manner, 
and practicing in rather imperfect ways some of the arts practiced 
by the civiUzed people of Europe. There is abundant evidence that 
the land lying on the Lumbee River and upon the large creeks and 
swamps which are tributary to it was a great Indian camping ground. 
While there were many small tribes of Indians inhabiting this section 
of eastern North Carolina, the tribe formerly known as "Croatans," 
now knowTi as "Indians of Robeson County," occupied the territory 
as far southwest as the Peedee ^ iver, in South Carolina, but the prin- 
cipal seat was on the Lumber River, a tributary of the Peedee, and 
the settlement extended along this river for at least 20 miles, the 
center of this settlement being about the site of the present town of 
Pembroke. At first they held their lands in common by right of 
possession, and this continued until the coming of the white man, 
when ownership in severalty gradually took the place of ownership 
in common; however, up to this day most of the people own their 
lands by right of possession, which has ripened into perfect title. 

Hon. Hamilton McMillan, an experienced historian of marked 
ability, published in 1888 and again in 1907 an account of these peo- 
ple under the title of "Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony." Mr. 
McMillan's opinion is that the Indians now residing in Robeson and 
adjoining counties are descended from Sir Walter Raleigh's lost 
colony, left by Gov. White on Roanake Island in 1587, and there are 
many plausible arguments advanced by Mr. McMillan for his theory. 
Another school of local historians contend that these Indians are 
descended from some other settlement of English-speaking people 
along the coast of North Carolina, probably near Lockwoods Folly, 
in BrunsAvick County, N. C. It is generally admitted by the ad- 
herents of both of these theories that these people are of undoubted 
120 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 121 

Indian origin and that they have at some time in the past become 
mixed to a more or less extent ^\dth persons of Enghsh blood. The 
purpose of this sketch is not to decide between these conflicting 
contentions, for this is immaterial to the purpose of this mquir v'. 

"to what tribe of INDIANS DO THEY BELONG?" 

We are of the opinion that they were originally a part of the great 
Cherokee Tribe of Indians which inhabited the western and central 
portions of Carolina before the advance of the white man. 

Indeed, Mr. McMillan, in his account before referred to, takes the 
position that they are of Cherokee descent, though we confess that 
we can not reconcile this contention %^dth his main contention that 
they are descendants of Gov. White's or Sir Walter Ealeigh's lost 
colony. 

Long before historians began to study the origin of these people 
they claimed to be of Cherokee descent. In fact, they have always 
claimed that they were originally a part of the Cherokee Tribe and 
that they gave up their tribal relation after they had participated 
with the white man in the war against the Tuscaroras. These 
Indians had great roads or trails connecting their settlements ^vith 
the principal seat of the Cherokee Tribe in the Allegheny Mountains, 
There is a weil-authenticated tradition among them, handed dovm. 
through several generations, that this small remnant, after partic- 
ipating \vith the Vx^hites in the war against the Tuscaroras, took up 
many of the habits and customs of the white man, and therefore 
refused to remove west with the great Cherokee Tribe. It is also 
certain that in this they were influenced by the admixtm^e of Anglo- 
Saxon blood, which had taken place to some extent even in that re- 
mote period. 

On a map (being map No. 1) of the transactions of the American 
Ethnological Society the Yemassees are assigned to the region 
bordermg on the Savannah River; the Cherokees to the mountain 
region; the Cheraws from the Yemassees along the coastal region to 
the Pamlicos on Pamlico Sound; the Tuscaroras along the PCoanoke 
River, and just south of them, on the Nuese, the Woocons; and the 
Catawbas in central North and South Carolina. 

It appears from Gregg's History of The Old Cheraws that originally 
the Cherokees occupied the territory assigned on the map to the 
Catawbas. According to their tradition, the Catawbas, about the 
time of the settlement of North America by the whites, occupied a 
region far to the northward, from whence they removed to the South. 
Being a numerous and warlike race, they vanquished the tribes vnth 
whom they came in conflict on the way, until they met the Cherokees 
on the banks of the river now called the Catawba. Here a sanguinary 
battle ensued, the loss on both sides being heavy, though neither party 
gained a victory. Terms of peace were agreed on, the Cherokees 
moving to the west and the Catawbas taking their country. This 
tradition is said to be confirmed by ethnological research. The 
Cheraws embraced ail the small tribes of the Santee, Congaree, 
Wateree, Waccamaw, and Pedee. The Cheraws appear to have been 
a branch of the Cherokees. In the language of the Cherokees ' ' chera " 
means fire. From the terminals of names Gregg connects the two 
tribes. He says: "If, about the period of their distinctive existence 



122 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

as a tribe, being possibly an offshoot from the Cherokees, at the era 
of some internal struggle and partial dismembership of that once 
powerful and widely extended nation," etc. And, otherwise, he 
suggests that the Cheraws once belonged to the Cherokees. 

In the early days of the settlement he says that there were 28 small 
tribes in South Carolina, and, in 1700, "William Gale, of Albemarle, 
mentioned that he "was just setting out on a four months' voyage 
to the Cape Fear, where he had sent a shallop's load of goods to trade 
with the Indians." Apparently he intended to pass up that river 
and go as far west as the mountains to trade with the Indians. He 
said that there were 13 different tribes with which he was well ac- 
quainted and had free commerce. 

There were many small tribes of Indians from the Neuse to the 
Savannah, those on the Cape Fear being Congarees, who were really 
"Cheraws," and the Cheraws, as Gregg indicates, were doubtless an 
offshoot of the original Cherokees who remained in their several 
localities at the time of the settlement by the Catawbas and the 
removal of the great bulk of the Cherokees to the mountains. 

These circumstances are corroborative of the opinion of Giles 
Leitch that the Indians of Robeson County possessed the character- 
istics of the Cherokees. 

The first permanent settlement on the Cape Fear, at old Brunswick, 
was about 1725. At that time there were many small Indian tribes 
thi-oughout that region. Some ten years later settlers had penetrated 
well into the interior and found on the upper Cape Fear a community 
who had some European characteristics, evidently having mingled 
to some extent with some of the European races. Such is the first 
loiown reference to this settlement. I^ater, in 1752, there is a refer- 
ence to them as occupying the territory v/hich they now hold in what 
is now Robeson County, and it was then reported that they shot at ' 
a surveyor who went among them to survey land against their claims. 

At that time the remnants of small Indian tribes stUl existed 
throughout that region. 

The last battle with the Indians in making the original settlements 
near the seacoast was, according to tradition, at the Sugar Loaf, a 
few miles north of the site of Fort Fisher, in 1725, when the whites 
took possession of the lower part of the Cape Fear River. The royal 
governor eight years later estimated the Indians v/ho were considered 
a part of the population for their friendly associations as numbering 
800. On the outskirts of the settlements there were various small 
tribes of Indians inhabitmg the wilderness in lower North Carolina 
and in South Carolina. In 1740 a Mr. Vaughn appropriated a large 
tract of land in Duplin County, together with a hundred slaves, to 
the purpose of Christianizing five Indian tribes in that vicinity. As 
the country became settled these remnants disappeared, and doubt- 
less many of the Indians of that region went to live with that nucleus 
in the territory now confined in Robeson County. This seems to be 
the most probable account of the origin of this peculiar people, many 
of whom throughout all the generations appear to have been full- 
blood Indians, having, as Leitch says, the characteristics of the 
Cherokees, with whom, in the previous century, they were closely 
allied. By their traditions some Indians from that region accom- 
panied Col. Barnwell to the Albemarle in January, 1712, and it 
appears that Barnwell passed close by their settlements. 



IISTDIAFS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 123 

It was among the Cherokees that many men were enlisted to fight 
the Tuscaroras in 1713, when North Carolhia called upon South 
Carolina for assistance. This call was responded to by hundreds of 
white men, Cherokees and other Indians under Col. Barnwell. Along 
the great Lowrie road Col. Barnwell passed with his army to fight 
the Tuscaroras. The army took the upper road at Fayetteville and 
crossed the Cape Fear at Averasboro. Ramsay, in his liistory of 
South Carolina, says, in volume 1, page 156: "Gov. Craven lost no 
time m forwarding a force to their assistance. The assembly voted 
£4,000 for the service of the war. A body of miUtia, consisting of 
600 men under the command of Col. Barnwell, marched against the 
savages; 218 Cherokees under the command of Capts. Harford and 
Turston, 79 Creelvs under Capt. Hastings, 41 Catawbas under Capt. 
Cantey, 28 Yemassees under Capt. Pierce, joined the Carolinians in 
this expedition." This army passed through Robeson County, and 
there are traditions among the Indians of Robeson County regarding 
the army of ' ' Bonnul," as they pronounced the name of Barnwell. One 
of these traditions is that several of the Cherokees, on their return 
from the Tuscarora war, located in Robeson County, brmging their 
prisoners with them as slaves. These prisoners intermarried among 
the Cherokees and became free, as was the custom among Indian 
tribes. 

The Cherokees, from whom the Indians of Robeson County claim 
descent, were to some extent an agricultural people. The clay 
pottery found in tins section is ornamented by havmg a full ear of 
corn rolled over the surface while the material of the pottery was in 
a plastic state. In the beginnmg of the War of Independence the 
colonial troops captured thousands of bushels of corn among the 
Cherokees in the mountains of western North Carolina. 

The universal tradition among the Indians found in Robeson 
County, N. C, and counties adjoinmg is that they are the descendants 
of English people and the Cherokees. 

Their Indian ancestors, the Cherokees, according to their tradition, 
had their principal abidmg place m the mountams to the west, and 
had trails or roads lead ng to various pomts on the coast. On the 
principal one of these roads, Iviiown as the Lowrie road, they had 
settlements on the Xeuse River, on the waters of Black River, on the 
Cape Fear, Lumbee, and as far as the Santee in Soutii Carolina. 
Their pruicipal settlement was in the territory along the Lumbee and 
covering a large part of the present county of Robeson, and extending 
through v.diat is now Cumberland County as far as Averasboro on the 
Cape Fear. They had other trails leading from the mountains east- 
ward, and three of them united "svith the Lowrie road or trail where 
there was a crossing of the Cape Fear where the present town of 
Fayetteville is situated. 

John Brooks (ancestor of Aaron Brooks, now living near Pates, in 
Robeson County) was a soldier in the American Army at the Battle 
of Eutaw Springs. Soon after returning from the Revolutionary 
War he died, leaving his wddow, Betsy Brooks. Her name appears 
in the L^nited States census of 1790 as the head of a family. 

Jacob Locklear also served in the American Army at the Battle of 
Eutaw Springs, and at other places. This Jacob Locklear had a 
brother, William Locklear, who was known as "Lazy Will." This 
"Lazy Will Locklear" spoke the Cherokee language and often held 



124 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

conversations in Cherokee with Randall Ijocklear, Elizabeth Lowery, 
and others. The tradition handed down by the descendants of Lazy 
Will Locklear is that he and certain others of the Indians remained 
and settled on Long Swamp and Lumber River, in Robeson County, 
when the other Indians left for the West. It is also a tradition in this 
family that Lazy Will Locklear and others of the Indians fought under 
Gen. Barnwell. It is also stated that there was abattle between some of 
the Indians and others near the present town of Red Springs, and there 
is an Indian mound there which is pointed out to this day. Recent 
investigations disclose the skeletons of a number of Indians who were 
buried there. The remains were found to be buried in the usual 
manner of Indian burying grounds. 

Daniel Locklear, now living near Buie, in Robeson County, is a 
great-great-grandson of the Jacob Locklear above mentioned. 

The ormnal Lowery Road, now known by that name which passes 
through Robeson County and referred to in the Hamilton McMillan 
History of the Indians, was said to have been used by the Indians in 
travehng from Eastern North Carohna, then known as Roanoke in 
Virginia, to the Cheraw and other Indian settlements in South 
Carolina. It was first an Indian trail and was afterwards a post road. 

Jordon Chavis, son of Julia Chavis and grandson of Ishmael Chavis, 
is now 75 years of age. He states that his father and grandfather 
always told him. that their people were Cherokee Indians. 

Preston Locklear, age 75 years, states that he and his ancestors 
were always known as Indians and that his parents taught him that 
his people Uved here in Robeson County long before the white people 
came here. 

Isaac Brayboy, age 74, states that his parents and grandparents 
told him that their people were Cherokee Indians; that the name was 
originally "Braveboy." This name is recorded in the census of 1790. 

James Brayboy, now 82 years of age, states that his father and 
grandfather always told him that his people were Indians by the 
name of Braveboy. That they were living on Lumber River and 
Long Swamp, in Robeson County, when the white people first came 
to this country; that they were friendly with the white people and 
that they helped the white people to drive out the unfriendly Indians. 

It will be noted that in the census of 1790 the name now known as 
"Locklear" is spelled "Lockaleer." It is said among the Indians 
to-day that this name in Indian language was originally ''Locklaha." 

As further confirming the Cherokee origin of these people, they 
have a tradition that the brother of James Lowery, and one of those 
who fought in the Revolution, was John Lowery, who was the head 
man among the Cherokees, and that he was one of those who made a 
treaty on behalf of the Cherokees with the Federal Government. Of 
this they had a tradition, none of them being able to read or write. 
On examination, it has been found that John Lowery did sign the 
treaty on behalf of the Cherokees made in 1806. (See second volume, 
Treaties, p. 91, CongTessional Library.) 

This John Lowery was the great-granduncle of Sinclair Lowery, 
now living in Robeson County, at the age of 78 years. 

From the "War Map," in Winsor's History of America, giving the 
routes taken by Barnwell and taken by the two Moores, it appears 
that Barnwell, who had 50 whites and some 400 Indians, passed along 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAKOLINA. 125 

the Santee to the Congaree, then up the Wateree to the vicinity of the 
Catawba, embodying detachments of all these tribes in his force; that 
turning east he crossed the Peedee, and then continued east a con- 
siderable distance and took a northeast course, crossing the Cape Fear 
about where Fayetteville is; then ascending that river to about the 
vicinity of Averasboro he took a northeast course to Torhunte, on the 
Cotechne. He reached the Neuse, about Fort Barnwell; in January 
1712. 

After a great battle, in which his Indians made many prisoners, " 
they returned to South Carolina; and later he, being wounded, like- 
wise returned. 

The war breaking out again. South CaroHna sent another force 
under Col. James Moore, 33 whites and 1,000 Indians. Col. Moore 
pursued the same route to the Pedee, but then turned to the north- 
east and crossed the Cape Fear at the junction of the Haw and Deep, 
and then went on to Torhunte. He arrived December 1, 1712. His 
brother, Maj . Maurice Moore, quickly followed him with another large 
force of Indians. His route lay still farther west by Trading Ford 
(near wSaUsbury), and after crossing the Deep he came east by Occo- 
neechee, where Hillsboro is, and eastward to Torhunte. All these 
routes were Indian trails. It is to be noted that BarnweU alone 
passed through what is now Robeson County, and as until recently 
there never was any pubhcation made of his route, it may be affirmed 
that the tradition stated is remarkable and noteworthy. 

Although many other Indians from South Carolina accompanied 
Col. James Moore to the Albemarle the following winter, and a few 
weeks later still others accompanied Col. Maurice Moore, these expe- 
ditions did not pass through the Robeson region, and the local tradi- 
tions are connected only with BarnweU. It is safe to say that these 
people could have l-mown nothing of these matters except from actual 
tradition. 

In 1756 a similar force of Indians from South Carolina accompanied 
Col, Hugh Waddell in his expedition to the north for the relief of the 
more northern colonies in the French and Indian War. While there 
is no particular record of the fact, yet as small numbers of Indians 
from almost every settlement composed this force, doubtless some 
belonged to these tribes that finally made up the population in 
Robeson County. 

Gregg says that most of these smaller tribes eventually united \vith 
the Catawbas, and about 1743 the language of the Catawbas is said 
to have consisted of twenty different dialects. 

The remaining Indians, in the course of settlement, passed from 
view, although "brief allusions are found in our early period to the 
several tribes in the acts of the assembly passed for the regulation and 
support of the Indian trade." 

As the Indian element in the present population of Robeson County 
is certainly derived from the former Indians of that region, these 
people are entitled to share in any feehng of appreciation we may 
have of the general conduct of all these friendly tribes during the 
period of settlement and in colonial times. 

During the Revolution some of these Indians served in the Conti- 
nental ranks, as weU as in the more local organizations raised by the 
State of North Carolina. 



126 INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 

The territory embraced in Robeson County was much divided in 
sentiment, and toward the close of the Revolution it was the scene 
of a murderous civil warefare of unparalleled atrocity. 

The tradition of these people that some of their leaders fought on 
the side of the Colonies seems to be corroborated by certain circum- 
stances. Giles Leitch says that during the Revolution some of these 
families acquired a considerable number of slaves. Had they acquired 
them from North Carolinians, these slaves would have been recovered 
on the return of peace. Such slaves as the British captured, they sent 
either to Florida or Nova Scotia. It is therefore probable that these 
slaves held by these Robeson County Indians were acquired from 
South Carolina. Marion raised his celebrated band largely in that 
part of North Carolina, and as an inducement for serving with him 
he offered as pay to his North Carolina troopers slaves taken from the 
South Carolina Loyalists. So many of these slaves were thus taken 
and held by his North Carolina troopers that after the war the ques- 
tion of their return became a matter of State legislation. 

After the war, feeling against the local Tories ran so high that they 
were discriminated against and severe tests of loyalty were applied. 
There seems to have been no feeling against these Indians, for al- 
though not white they were allowed to vote as "freemen," without 
any change being made in the law to include them, although only 
whites had earher been allowed to vote. They voted until 1835, 
when the Constitution was changed by the insertion of the word 
"white." ' 

Had they been of the Tory element probably they would not have 
been allowed the right of suffrage, because the feeling against the 
Tories was very bitter, especially in that region where they lived. 

During the War of 1812 they were enrolled in the militia; and among 
others, Charles Oxendine, Thomas Locklier, John Drinkwater, Hugh 
Locklear, William Bullard, Elias Bullard, Richard Bullard, and 
Stephen Cumboe were in the companies of militia detached from the 
Robeson regiments for service in that war. (See Muster Rolls Troops 
of 1812, State Library at Raleigh.) 

Up to 1835 these Indians were entitled to vote, and some of them 
owned slaves. A number of them appear as heads of families in the 
United States census of 1790. 

After 1835 these people could not vote, nor were they prior to the 
Civil War admitted to the public schools when they were established. 

In 1867 they were allowed to vote under the reconstruction acts, 
and under the constitution adopted in 1868, and were entitled to 
attend the negro schools, but not the schools for the whites. But 
they refused absolutely to attend the negro schools, and thus were 
debarred from school privileges. 

Attention was drawn to their pecuhar social status, and as they 
were of undoubted Indian extraction Hon. Hamilton McMillan, who 
inquired into their history, reached the conclusion that they were de- 
scended from the Indians on Croatan Sound and derived their white 
blood from the lost colony of 1587. This idea was based on their 
partly civilized condition when first observed by the early settlers of 
that region about 1730. Under that impression, the legislature in 
1885 provided separate common schools for them under the name of 
the "Croatan Indians." 

» AU freemen voted before 1835. -S. B. W. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 127 

The word ''Croatan" is not a generic or tribal name, but was purely 
local, and this appellation was given to these Indians in the act of 
the legislature in 1885 at the instance of the Hon. Hamilton McMillan. 
The name having been suggested by the word ''Croatan" which was 
found on a tree after the disappearance of Gov. John White's lost 
colony. In 1911 the legislature changed the name to "Indians of 
Robeson County.'' 

But whatever the origin of the Indians of this community was, it is 
certain that from the first settlement they have been separated from 
the other inhabitants of that region, and are of Indian descent, with 
Indian characteristics, with complexion, features, and hair of the 
Indian race, and are now borne on the census rolls as Indians. 

NEED OF BETTER SCHOOL FACILITIES. 

While they have the ordinary common schools and a small normal 
school, as they can not attend the high institutions provided on the 
one hand for the whites and on the other hand for the negroes, their 
educational facilities are limited. 

It is very desirable, therefore, that additional educational facilities 
should be afforded them, especially in the way of higher academic and 
industrial education. 

It appears that they have capacity for agriculture and the mechanic 
arts, and readily become sldlled in them when trained. A mechanical 
and industrial school would be of great benefit to them. 

In hke manner the training of the girls in the domestic arts and 
economics would be of great benefit. 

These people never had a reservation set apart for them, as the 
Catawbas had not far to the west of them. 

The bill under consideration, which has passed the Senate, provides 
for an appropriation of $50,000 to erect buddings for a school for these 
Indians at or near Pembroke, in Robeson County. 

According to the census of 1910, the number of these Indians in 
Robeson County was 5,895. There are also about 1,500 to 2,000 in 
adjoining counties in North and South Carolina, making a settlement 
in aU of about 8,000 persons. In 1909 there were enrolled in the 
ordinary common free schools provided by the State 1,594 of these 
Indian children. The average length of the term of their school dis- 
tricts was 82 days. The only school facihties enjoyed by them other 
than the ordinary common school above mentioned is a normal school 
for the training of teachers, provided for by the State at an annual 
cost of $2,250. Under the laws of North Carohna, which provide for 
the absolute separation of the races, they are not entitled to attend 
the university for men, the State normal and industrial college for 
women, or the agricultural and mechanical coUege for either the white 
or negro races. They are therefore entirely without the facilities for 
industrial or higher academic education. There has always been a 
f8ehng among these people and their white neighbors that the Federal 
Government should make some provision for them, for the reason 
that the Government does expend large sums of money every year 
in providing schools for other nonreservation Indians in aU sections 
of the country. The present Indian appropriation bill provides for 



128 INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 

more than a million dollars for this purpose, some provisions in that 
bill being as follows : 

For support and education of three hundred and seventy-five Indian pupils at the 
Indian school at Genoa, Nebraska, and for pay of superintendent, $62,300; for general 
repairs and improvements, $4,500; in all, $66,800. 

For support and education of one hundred and eighty Indian pupils at the Indian 
school at Cherokee, North Carolina, and for pay of superintendent, $30,000; for general 
repairs and improvements, $6,000; in all, $36,000. 

For support and education of one hundred Indian pupils at the Indian school, 
Bismarck, North Dakota, and for pay of superintendent, $18,200; for general repairs 
and improvements, $2,000; in all, $20,200. 

For support and education of Indian pupils at the Indian school at Carlisle, Penn- 
sylvania, and for pay of superintendent, $132,000; for general repairs and improve- 
ments, $20,000; in all, $152,000. 

For support and education of one hundred and seventy-five Indian pupils at the 
Indian school at Pierre, South Dakota, and for pay of superintendent, $32,000; for 
general repairs and improvements, $10,000; in all, $42,000. 

For the support and education of two hundred and ten Indian pupils at the Indian 
school at Hayward, Wisconsin, and for pay of superintendent, $36,670; for general 
repairs and improvements, $2,500; in all, $39,170. 

It appears from a letter from the Department of the Interior, Bu- 
reau of Indian Affairs, that there are 22 nonreservation Indian schools 
in various parts of the United States now supported by the Govern- 
ment, none of these being situated in the Southern States. 

It appears that these schools are not connected with reservations 
or agencies, but are maintained especially for Indians of any tribe 
coming usually from that part of the country in which the school is 
situated, and pupils are admitted whose parents are entirely free from 
governmental control or guardianship, and who in some cases hold their 
lands without restriction, the only condition of admittance being that 
they would otherwise be deprived of an opportunity to obtain an 
education, academic or industrial. It is submitted that the condition 
of the Indians in question fully meets these requirements, because 
they are debarred by the laws of the State of North Carolina from 
attending the colleges and schools of higher education, both academic 
and industrial. 



LETTER OF A. W. McLEAN, SEPTEMBER 7, 1914. 

LuMBERTON, N. C, SefteTYibev 7, 191^. 
The honorable Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 

Deimrtment of the Interior, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: I promised Mr. O. M. McPherson, special Indian agent, 
who recently spent some time in Lumberton investigating the Chero- 
kee Indians of Robeson County, that I would probably send him 
some further information in connection with these Indians which he 
might be able to use in making his report. 

I have made a very careful study of the history of these Indians 
for a number of years. In a hearing before the Committee on Indian 
Affairs of the House of Representatives on Friday, February 14, 
1913, I submitted an historical sketch of these Indians, a copy of 
which I furnished to Mr. McPherson. Supplementing that sketch, 
I desire to submit the following as bearing upon their contention 
that they are of Cherokee origin : 

My opinion is, from a very exhaustive examination made before 
and after the hearing above mentioned, that these Indians are not 



IISTDIAISrS OF NOETH CAEOLUSTA. 129 

only descendants of Sir Walter Raleigh's lost colony, as contended 
by Mr. Hamilton McMillan in his statement, a copy of which Mr. 
McPherson has in his possession, but that they are also mixed with 
the Cherokee Indians. In the first place, these Indians hare con- 
tended from time immemorial that they were of Cherokee descent, 
and they further have had a tradition among them that their ances- 
tors, or some of them, came from "Roanoke and Virginia." Roanoke 
and Virginia, of course, originally comprised all of eastern North 
Carolina, including Roanoke Island, the settlement of Sir Walter 
Raleigh's lost colony. 

In the great war with the Tuscaroras in eastern North Carolina 
Barnwell's army was made up largely of Indians, and especially 
Cherokee Indians. The only serious contention made against the 
claim that they are Cherokees is that the Cherokees live farther 
west. In view of their tradition that upon their return from eastern 
North Carolina with Barnwell's army some of them stopped and 
settled in Robeson County, there seems to be nothing in this conten- 
tion. This tradition is borne out by the fact that the great road 
traveled by Barnwell in his expedition to eastern North CaroUna was 
along the Lowrie Road, which passes immediately tlu-ough the pres- 
ent settlement of these Indians. (See Wilhamson's History of North 
Carolina, Vol. I, pp. 194, etc. See also History of the Old Cheraws, 
by Gregg, pp. 1 to 31. See especially map between pp. 2 and 3, 
which shows that the Cheraws were located in all that section between 
the Cape Fear River and the Catawba River. See also on page 7 
reference to Lederer's journey, in wliich it is stated that he made 
his journey entering the State of North Carohna somewhere in Robe- 
son Coimty, crossing in a southwestern hne, and passing through, 
Robeson County into South Carohna. His road was along the Great 
Lowrie Road, which was originally an Indian trail, and which passes 
directly through the heart of the Indian settlement in Robeson 
County. See also Hawks's History of North Carohna.) 

As will be noted from the historical sketch given by me at the 
committee hearing hereinbefore mentioned, John Lowrie signed a 
treaty on the part of the Cherokee Indians with the United States 
Government in 1806, This John Lowrie was the ancestor of some 
of the Lowrie Indians now living in Robeson County. His brother, 
James Lowrie, was one of the most prominent Indians in the county 
in the year 1810. 

Several of these Indians served in the Revolutionary War. John 
Brooks was granted a pension by the United States Government for 
services in the Revolutionary War. (See warrant No. 80030, issued 
to John Brooks for 160 acres of bounty land for his services in the 
Revolutionary War. See also Revolutionary War pension file No. 
6732, pension order.) In Volume XXII of the North Carohna State 
Records, pages 56 and 57, it appears that the following Indians of 
Robeson County received a pension from the Government for service 
in the Revolutionary War: John Brooks, James Brooks, Berry Hunt, 
Thomas Jacobs, Michael ReveUs, Richard Bell, Samuel Bell, Primas 
Jacobs, Thomas Cummings, and John Hammond, these pensions 
having been granted under the Federal acts of 1818 and 1832. 

In 1871, while Congress was investigating the operations of the 
Ku-Klux, the Hon. Giles Leach, then a prominent lawyer residing 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 9 



130 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

at Lumberton, Robeson County, was summoned to appear before a 
congressional committee in Washington to testify in regard to the 
condition of affairs in Robeson County. He was naturally very 
unfriendly to the Indians, because he admitted in his testimony that 
he was employed by the State of North Carolina to prosecute some 
of them. Notwithstanding his prejudice, when asked the question 
as to what race the Lowries and the other Indians belonged to, he 
said: 

Well, sir, I desire to tell you the truth as near as I can. I think they are a mixture 
of Spanish and Indian. They_ have straight black hair and many of the character- 
istics of the Cherokee Indians in our State. 

When asked the question as to what blood there was in the Lowrie 
family, he said: 

I think the father was an Indian. I think the family had about all the charac- 
teristics of the Cherokee Indians of our State. The mother was named Cumboe, 
and I think it very likely that there may have been some white blood an the Cumboe 
family. The Lowrie family is Indian. 

I regard this testimony of the Hon. Giles Leach as very important 
as bearing upon the fact that these Indians are of Cherokee descent, 
because, as stated, he was strongly prejudiced against them and 
evidently gave no testimony favorable to them except where he felt 
obliged to do so. 

It is inconceivable that these Indians should have had a tradition 
in their families which can be traced for more than a hundred years 
to the effect that they were of Cherokee origin unless there was some- 
thing in the statement. It will be noted in the pamphlet published 
by the Hon, Hamilton McMillan that they always claimed to him 
that they were of Cherokee origin. The investigation I have made of 
them for the last 20 or 25 years has ehcited the universal tradition and 
history that their Indian blood was Cherokee. It is entirely possible, 
of course, that there may have been a mixture of some other Indian 
blood. In fact, it is generally believed that the Cheraws and a 
number of other native Indian tribes who originally lived on the 
border line of North and South Carolina were mixed more or less 
with the Cherokee Indians. 

The fact that such reliable historians as Capt. S. A. Ashe, the 
author of a history of North Carolina, Hon. Hamilton McMillan, a 
man now over 80 years of age, who has Uved in this section all his 
hfe and who has made a special study of these Indians, and the Hon. 
Giles Leach, who was one of the most noted local historians who 
ever lived in this section^ — the very fact, I say, that they have all 
stated that it is their positive opinion from their investigations that 
these people have Cherokee blood in them is, when coupled with their 
own universal tradition to that effect, conclusive proof that they have 
Cherokee blood in their veins. Indeed, it would be practically impos- 
sible to prove the family or tribal relation of any people by stronger 
or more convincing proof. 

I inclose statement of Wash Lowrie, a very old Indian, which is 
practically the same as the others with whom I have talked for the 
last 25 years. 

Yours, truly, 

A. W. McLean. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 131 

STATEMENT OF WASH LOWKIE TO A. W. McLEAN. 

On July 14, 1914, I interviewed Wash Lowrie at his home on ti 
Lowrie Road, about 2 miles north of Pembroke. He stated that ho 
lacked a few months of being 80 years of age. That his father was 
Daniel Lowrie, who died about 1864, age 7 J years, and Daniel LoAvrie 
was a natural son of James Lowrie. This James Lowrie was one of 
the original Indians in this section and was very well off at the time 
of his death in 1810. (See his will, recorded in book of wills No. 1, 
p. 121, ofFice clerk superior court, Robeson County.) The mother of 
Daniel Lowrie was Sarah Locklear. Other descendants of James 
Lowrie now living in this section are the following: Luther Dees and 
John Dees, sons of Silas Lowrie, who was a son of Thomas I^owrie, 
and Thomas Lowrie was a son of James Lowrie. Sinclair Lowrie and 
James Lowrie and Pert Ransom are all children of Allen Lowrie, who 
was a son of the original James Lowrie. This James Lowrie first 
lived in the upper part of Robeson County, now Hoke County. He 
afterwards moved to Harpers Ferry, on Lumber River, and main- 
tained first a ferry and afterwards a toll bridge at that point. He laid 
out and constructed the Lowrie Road. Wash Lowrie says that this 
James Lowrie was a nephew of Col. John Lowrie, who was one time 
chief of the Cherokees and who signed a treaty on behalf of the Chero- 
kees to the United States Government. He further states that he 
knew old John Brooks well, having seen him a number of times before 
he died. This John Brooks was a soldier in the Revolutionary War. 
(See application for pension in the records of the War Department at 
Washington.) Wash Lowrie says that old John Brooks died at the 
age of about 110 years. His application for pension states that he 
was about 90 or 96 years old when the pension was granted. Says 
that he was told by Aaron Revels, then 100 years old, and Daniel 
Lowrie, his father, then 73 years old, and Joe Chavis, age 90, that 
these Indians in Robeson County came from Roanoke, in Virginia. 
That after remaining in Robeson County for some time they went to 
the mountains with the other Cherokees, but a number returned on 
account of leaving relatives in Robeson County, where they had 
mixed with the other tribes and probably with several of the whites. 

The United States census of 1790 shows only a few Indian families 
in Robeson County at the time of taking that census. 

Wash Lowiie states further that he has often heard of Hugh Lock- 
lear, who served in the War of 1812, and that Nelson Locklear, now 
living in Robeson County, is a great grandson of this Hugh Locklear, 
and that Hector Locklear's wife is a great granddaughter. That he 
has often heard of Stephen Cumbo, who was a soldier in the War of 
1812. That Abbie Cumbo, who married Allen Lowrie, was a daughter 
of this Stephen Cumbo. 

This Wash Lowrie is now in very bad health, having suffered a stroke 
of paralysis, but his mind and memory seem to be good. He has 
many of the characteristics of the Indians. An enlarged photograph 
can be obtained, as he has one hanging in his bedroom. 



132 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

OFFICE LETTER OF SEPTEMBER 14, 1914, TO A. W. McLEAN. 

September 14, 1914. 

:Mr. A. W. McI^EAN, 

President Barik of Lumberton, Lumherton, N. C. 
Dear Sir: The office has received your letter of vSeptember 7, 1914, 
submitting certain matter relating to the Indians of Robeson County, 
N. C, and the same has been referred to Special Agent McPherson 
for consideration in connection with his investigation of the affairs 
of said Indians, in obedience to Senate resolution 410 and the instruc- 
tions of this office. 

Very respectfully, 

E. B. Meritt, 
Assistant Commissioner. 



EXHIBIT Q. 

HISTORY OF THE CHEBOKEE INDIANS. 

[From Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] 
THE TRADITION AEY PERIOD. 

The Cherokee were the mountaineers of the South, holding the 
entire Allegheny region from the interlocking head-streams of the 
Kanawha and the Tennessee southward almost to the site of Atlanta, 
and from the Blue Ridge on the east to the Cumberland Range on the 
west, a territory comprising an area of about 40,000 square miles, 
now included in the States of Virginia, Tennessee, North Carohna, South 
Carohna, Georgia, and Alabama. Their principal towns were upon 
the headwaters of the Savannah, Hiwassee, and Tuckasegee, and along 
the whole length of the Little Tennessee to its junction with the main 
stream. ItsatI, or Echota, on the south bank of the Little Tennessee, 
a few miles above the mouth of Telhco River, in Tennessee, was com- 
monly considered the capital of the nation. As the advancing whites 
pressed upon them from the east and northeast the more exposed 
towns were destroyed or abandoned and new settlements were formed 
lower down the Tennessee and on the upper branches of the Chatta- 
hoochee and the Coosa. 

As is always the case with tribal geography, there were no fixed 
boundaries, and on every side the Cherokee frontiers were contested 
by rival claimants. In Virginia, there is reason to beheve, the tribe 
was held in check in early days by the Powhatan and the Monacan. 
On the east and southeast the Tuscarora and Catawba were their 
inveterate enemies, with hardly even a momentary truce within the 
historic period; and evidence goes to show that the Sara or Cheraw 
were fully as hostile. On the south there was hereditary war with the 
Creeks, who claimed nearly the whole of upper Georgia as theirs by 
original possession, but who were being gradually pressed doum 
toward the Gulf until, through the mediation of the United States, 
a treaty was finally made fixing the boundary between the two tribes 
along a line running about due west from the mouth of Broad River 
on the Savannah. Toward the west, the Chickasaw on the lower 
Tennessee and the Shawano on the Cumberland repeatedly turned 
back the tide of Cherokee invasion from the rich central valleys, 
while the powerful Iroquois in the far north set up an almost unchal- 
lenged claim of paramount lordship from the Ottawa River of Canada 
southward at least to the Kentucky River. 

On the other hand, by tlieir defeat of the Creeks and expulsion of 
the Shawano, the Cherokee made good the claim which they asserted 
to all the lands from upper Georgia to the Ohio River, including the 
rich hunting grounds of Kentucky. Holding as they did the great 
mountain barrier between the Enghsh settlements on the coast and 
the French or Spanish garrisons along the Mississippi and the Ohio, 
their geographic position, no less than their superior number, would 

133 



134 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

have given them the balance of power in the South but for a looseness 
of tribal organization in striking contrast to the compactness of the 
Iroquois league, by which for more than a century the French power 
was held in check in the north. The English, indeed, found it con- 
venient to recognize certain chiefs as supreme in the tribe, but the 
only real attempt to weld the whole Cherokee Nation into a political 
unit was that made by the French agent, Priber, about 1736, which failed 
from its premature discovery by the Enghsh. We frequently find 
their kingdom divided against itself, their very number preventing 
unity of action, while still giving them an importance above that 
of neighboring tribes. 

The proper name by which the Cherokee call themselves is 
YM'wiya', or Aiii'-YM'wiya' in the third person, signifying "real 
people," or "principal people," a word closely related to Onwe-honwe, 
the name by which the cognate Iroquois know themselves. The word 
properly denotes "Indians," as distinguished from people of other 
races, but in usage it is restricted to mean members of the Cherokee 
Tribe, those of other tribes being designated as Creek, Catawba, etc., 
as the case may be. On ceremonial occasions they frequently speak of 
themselves as Ani'-Eatu' hwag]f, or "people of Kitu'hwa," an ancient 
settlement on Tuckasegee River and apparently the original nucleus of 
the tribe. Among the w^estern Cherokee this name has been adopted 
by a secret society recruited from the full-blood element and pledged 
to resist the advances of the white man's civilization. Under the 
various forms of Cuttawa, Gattochwa, Kittuwa, etc., as spelled by 
different authors, it was also used by several northern Algonquian 
tribes as a synonym for Cherokee. 

Cherokee, the name by which they are commonly known, has no 
meaning in their own language, and seems to be of foreign origin. 
As used among themselves the form is Tsa'lagl' or Tsa'ragl'. It first 
appears as Chalaque in the Portuguese narrative of De Soto's expedi- 
tion, published originally in 1557, while we find Cheraqui in a French 
document of 1699, and Cherokee as an English form as early, at least, 
as 1708. The name has thus an authentic history of 360 years. There 
is evidence that it is derived from the Choctaw word chotuk or chiluk, 
signifying a pit or cave, and comes to us through the so-called Mobi- 
lian trade language, a corrupted Choctaw jargon formerly used as the 
medium of communication among all the tribes of the Gulf States, as 
far north as the mouth of the Ohio. Within this area many of the 
tribes were commonly known under Choctaw names, even though of 
widely differing hnguistic stocks, and if such a name existed for the 
Cherokee it must undoubtedly have been communicated to the first 
Spanish explorers by De Soto's interpreters. This theory is borne 
out by their Iroquois (Mohawk) name, Oyata'ge'ronon', as given by 
Hewitt, signifying "inhabitants of the cave countr}^" the Allegheny 
region being peculiarly a cave country, in which "rock shelters," con- 
taining numerous traces of Indian occupancy, are of frequent occur- 
rence. Their Catawba name also, Manteran, as given by Gatschet, 
signifying "coming out of the ground," seems to contain the same 
reference. Adair's attempt to connect the name Cherokee with their 
word for fire, atsila, is an error founded upon imperfect knowledge of 
the language. 

Among other synonyms for the tribe are Rickahockan, or Recha- 
hecrian, the ancient Powhatan name, and TaUige', or Tallige'wi, the 



S. Doc. 677, 63-3. 




MAP OF THE CHEROKEE COUNTRY. 
(From Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.) 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA.^ 135 

ancient name used in tlie Walam Oliun chronicle of the Lenape'. Con- 
cerning both the application and the etymology of this last name there 
has been much dispute, but there seems no reasonable doubt as to the 
identity of the people. 

Linguistically the Cherokee belong to the Iroquoian stock, the 
relationship having been suspected by Barton over a century ago, and 
by Gallatin and Hale at a later period, and definitely established by 
Hewitt in 1887.^ While there can now be no question of the connec- 
tion, the marked lexical and grammatical differences indicate that the 
separation must have occurred at a very early period. As is usually 
the case with a large tribe occupying an extensive territory, the lan- 
guage is spoken in several dialects, the principal of which may, for 
want of other names, be conveniently designated as the Eastern, Mid- 
dle, and Western. Adair's classification into "Ayrate" {e'ladl), or 
low, and "Ottare" {d'tall), or mountainous, must be rejected as 
imperfect. 

The Eastern dialect, formerly often called the Lower Cherokee 
dialect, was originally spoken in all the towns upon the waters of the 
Keowee and Tugaloo, head streams of Savannah River, in South Caro- 
lina and the adjacent portion of Georgia. Its chief peculiarity is a 
rolling r, which takes the place of the Z of the other dialects. In 
this dialect the tribal name is Tsa'ragl', which the English settlers of 
Carolina corrupted to Cherokee, while the Spaniards, advancing from 
the south, became better familiar with the other form, which they 
wrote as Chalaque. Owing to their exposed frontier position, adjoin- 
ing the white settlements of Carolina, the Cherokee of this division 
were the first to feel the shock of war in the campaigns of 1760 and 
1776, with the result that before the close of the Revolution they had 
been completely extirpated from their original territory and scattered 
as refugees among the more western towns of the tribe. The con- 
sequence was that they lost their distinctive dialect, which is now 
practically extinct. In 1888 it was spoken by but one man on the 
reservation in North Carolina. 

The Middle dialect, which might properly be designated the Kituhwa 
dialect, was originally spoken in the towns on the Tuckasegee and the 
headwaters of the Little Tennessee, m the very heart of the Cherokee 
country, and is still spoken by the great majority of those now living on 
the Qualla Reservation. In some of its phonetic forms it agrees with 
the Eastern dialect, but resembles the Western in having the I sound. 

The Western dialect was spoken in most of the towns of east Ten- 
nessee and upper Georgia and upon Hiwassee and Cheowa Rivers in 
North Carolina. It is the softest and most musical of all the dialects 
of this musical language, having a frequent liquid I and eliding many 
of the harsher consonants found in the other forms. It is also the 
literary dialect, and is spoken by most of those now constituting the 
Cherokee Nation in the West. 

Scattered among the other Cherokee are individuals whose pronun- 
ciation and occasional peculiar terms for familiar objects give indica- 
tion of a fourth and perhaps a fifth dialect, which can not now be 
localized. It is possible that these differences may come from for- 

1 Barton, Benj. S., New Views on the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America, p. xlv, passim; 
Phila., 1797; GallatinjAlbert, Synopsis of Indian 'iribes, 'I'rans. American Antiquarian Society, n, p. 
91; Cambridge, 1836; Hewitt, J. N. B., The Cherokee an Iroquoian Language, Washington, 1887, (MS. 
in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology). 



136 .INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

eign admixture, as of Natchez, Taskigi, or Shawano blood. There is 
some reason for believing that the people living on Nantahala River 
differed dialectically from their neighbors on either side. 

The Iroquoian stock, to which the Cherokee belong, had its chief 
home in the North, its tribes occupying a compact territory which 
comprised portions of Ontario, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, 
and extended down the Susquehanna and Chesapeake Bay almost to 
the latitude of Washington. Another body, including the Tuscarora, 
Nottoway, and perhaps also the Meherrin, occupied territory in north- 
eastern North Carolina and the adjacent portion of Virginia. The 
Cherokee themselves constituted the third and southernmost body. It 
is evident that tribes of common stock must at one time have occupied 
contiguous territories, and such we find to be the case in this instance. 
The Tuscarora and Meherrin, and presumably also the Nottoway, are 
known to have come from the north, while traditional and historical 
evidence concur in assigning to the Cherokee as their early home the 
region about the headwaters of the Ohio, immediately to the south- 
ward of their kinsmen, but bitter enemies, the Iroquois. The theory 
which brings the Cherokees from northern Iowa and the Iroquois from 
Manitoba is unworthy of serious consideration. 

The most ancient tradition concerning the Cherokee appears to be 
the Delaware tradition of the expulsion of the Talligewi from the North 
as first noted by the missionary Heckewelder in 1819, and published 
more fully by Brinton in the Walam Olum in 1885. According to 
the first account, the Delawares, advancing from the west, found their 
further progress opposed by a powerful people called Alligewi or Tal- 
ligewi, occupying the country upon a river which Heckewelder thinks 
identical with the Mississippi, but which the sequel shows was more 
probably the Upper Ohio. They were said to have regularly built 
earthen fortifications, in which they defended themselves so well 
that at last the Delawares were obliged to seek the assistance of the 
"Mengwe," or Iroquois, with the result that after a warfare extending 
over many years the Alligewi finally received a crushing defeat, the 
survivors fleeing down the river and abandoning the country to the 
invaders, who thereupon parceled it out amongst themselves, the 
" Mengwe " choosing the portion about the Great Lakes while the Dela- 
wares took possession of that to the south and east. The missionary 
adds that the Allegheny (and Ohio) River was still called by the Dela- 
wares the Alligewi Sipu, or river of the Alligewi. This would seem 
to indicate it as the true river of the tradition. He speaks also of 
remarkable earthworks seen by him in 1789 in the neighborhood of 
Lake Erie, which were said by the Indians to have been built by the 
extirpated tribe as defensive fortifications in the course of this war. 
Near two of these, in the vicinity of Sandusky, he was shown mounds 
under which it was said some hundreds of the slain Talligewi were 
buried.^ As is usual in such traditions, the Alligewi were said to have 
been of giant stature, far exceeding their conquorers in size. 

In the Walam Olum, which is, it is asserted, a metrical translation 
of an ancient hieroglyphic bark record discovered in 1820, the main 
tradition is given in practically the same way, with an appendix 
which follows the fortunes of the defeated tribe up to the beginning 
of the historic period, thus completing the chain of evidence. 

1 Heckewelder, John, Indian Nations of Pennsylvania, pp. 47-49, ed. 1876. 



S. Doc. 677, 63-3. 




THE CHEROKEE 
AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 

SHOWING THE TEFtRITORY HELD 

BY THEM AT VARIOUS TIMES 
WEST OF THE ^USSISS1PPI RIVER 



JAMES MOONEy 
1900 



Note -The territory of the cogn.ilo 
Iroquoian tribes is indicated 
by shaded boxmdai-ies 






MAP SHOWING TERRITORY HELD BY THE CHEROKEES. 
(From Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.) 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 137 

In the Walam Olum also we find the Delawares adrancing from the 
west or. northwest until they come to ''Fish River" — the same which 
Heckewelder makes the Mississippi. On the other side, we are 
told, "The Talhgewi possessed the East." The Delaware chief 
"desired the eastern land," and some of his people go on, but are 
killed by the Talligewi. The Delawares decide upon war and call in 
the help of their northern friends, the "Talamatan," i. e., the Wyan- 
dot and other allied Iroquoian Tribes. A war ensues which continues 
through the terms of four successive chiefs, when victory declares for 
the invaders, and "all the Talega go south." The country is then 
divided, the Talamatan taking the northern portion, while the Dela- 
wares "stay south of the lakes." The chronicle proceeds to teU how, 
after eleven more chiefs have ruled, the Nanticoke and Shawano sepa- 
rate from the parent tribe and remove to the south. Six other chiefs 
follow in succession until we come to the seventh, who "went to the 
Talega Mountains." By this time the Delawares have reached the 
ocean. Other chiefs succeed, after whom "the Easterners and the 
Wolves" — probably the Mahican or Wappinger and the Munsee — 
move off to the northeast. At last, after six more chiefs, "the whites 
came on the eastern sea," by which is probably meant the landing of 
the Dutch on Manhattan in 1609. We may consider this a tally 
date, approximating the beginning of the seventeenth century. Two 
more chiefs rule, and of the second we are told that "He fought at the 
south; he fought in the land of the Talega and Koweta," and again 
the fourth chief after the coming of the whites "went to the Talega." 
We have thus a traditional record of a war of conquest carried on 
against the TaUigewi by four successive chiefs, and a succession of 
about twenty-five chiefs between the final expulsion of that tribe and 
the appearance of the whites, in which interval the Nanticoke, Shaw- 
ano, Mahican, and Munsee branched off from the parent tribe of the 
Delawares. Without venturing to entangle ourselves in the devious 
maze of Indian chronology, it is sufficient to note that all this imphes 
a very long period of time — so long, in fact, that during it several new 
tribes, each of which in time developed a distinct dialect, branch off 
from the main Lenape stem. It is distinctly stated that all the Talega 
went south after their final defeat; and from later references we find 
that they took refuge in the mountain country in the neighborhood of 
the Koweta (the Creeks), and that Delaware war parties were still 
making raids upon both these tribes long after the first appearance of 
the whites. 

Although at first glance it might be thought that the name TaUi- 
gewi is but a corruption of Tsalagi, a closer study leads to the opinion 
that is a true Delaware word, in all probability connected with waloh 
or walok, signifying a cave or hole (Zeisberger) , whence we find in the 
Walam Olum the word oligonunk rendered as "at the place of caves." 
It would thus be an exact Delaware rendering of the same name, 
"people of the cave country," by which, as we have seen, the Chero- 
kee were commonly known among the tribes. YvTiatever may be the 
origin of the name itself, there can be no reasonable doubt as to its 
apphcation. "Name, location, and legends combine to identify the 
Cnerokees or Tsalaki with the Tallike; and this is as much evidence as 
we can expect to produce in such researches." ^ 

1 Brinton, D. G., Walam Olum, p. 231: Phila., 1885. 



138 INDIANS OF NORTH CABOLINA. 

The Wyandot confirm the Delaware story and fix the identification 
of the expelled tribe. According to their tradition, as narrated in 
1802, the ancient fortifications in the Ohio Valley had been erected in 
the course of a long war between themselves and the Cherokee, which 
resulted finally in the defeat of the latter.^ 

The traditions of the Cherokee, so far as they have been preserved, 
supplement and corroborate those of the northern tribes, thus bring- 
ing the story down to their final settlement upon the headwaters of 
the Tennessee in the rich valleys of the southern Alleghenies. Owing 
to the Cherokee predilection for new gods, contrasting strongly with 
the conservatism of the Iroquois, their ritual forms and national epics 
had fallen into decay even before the Kevolution, as we learn from 
Adair. Some vestiges of their migration legend still existed in Hay- 
woods's time, but it is now completely forgotten both in the East and 
in the West. 

According to Haywood, who wrote in 1823 on information obtained 
directly from leading members of the tribe long before the Removal, 
the Cherokee formerly had a long migration legend, which was already 
lost, but which, within the memory of the mother of one informant — 
say about 1750 — was still recited by chosen orators on the occasion of 
the annual green-corn dance. This migration legend appears to have 
resembled that of the Delawares and the Creeks in beginning with 
genesis and the period of animal monsters, and thence following the 
shifting fortune of the chosen band to the historic period. The tradi- 
tion recited that they had originated in a land toward the rising sun, 
where they had been placed by the command of ''the four councils 
sent from above." In this pristine home were great snakes and water 
monsters, for which reason it was supposed to have been near the sea- 
coast, although the assumption is not a necessary corollary, as these 
are a feature of the mythology of all the eastern tribes. After this 
genesis period there began a slow migration, during which "towns of 
people m many nights' encampment removed," but no details are 
given. From Heckewelder it appears that the expression, "a night's 
encampment," which occurs also in the Delaware migration legend, 
is an Indian figure of speech for a halt of one year at a place.^ 

In another place Haywood says, although apparently confusing the 
chronologic order of events: "One tradition which they have amongst 
them says they came from the west and exterminated the former 
inhabitants; and then says they came from the upper parts of the 
Ohio, where they erected the mounds on Grave creek, and that they 
removed thither from the country where Monticello (near Charlottes- 
viQe, Virginia) is situated." ' The first reference is to the celebrated 
mounds on the Ohio near MoundsviUe, below Wheeling, West Vir- 
ginia; the other is doubtless to a noted burial mound described by 
Jefferson in 1781 as then existing near his home, on the low grounds 
of Rivanna river opposite the site of an ancient Indian town. He 
himseK had opened it and found it to contain perhaps a thousand 
disjointed skeletons of both adults and children, the bones piled in 
successive layers, those near the top being least decayed. They 
showed no signs of violence, but were evidently the accumulation of 
long years from the neighboring Indian town. The distinguished 

' Schoolcraft, H. R., Notes on the Iroquois, p. 162: Albany, 1847. 

2 Heckewelder, Indian Nations, p. 47, ed. 1876. 

'Haywood, John, Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, pp. 225-226; Nashville, 1823. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 139 

writer adds: "But on whatever occasion they may have been made, 
they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians: for a party 
passing, about thirty years ago (i, e., about 1750), through the part of 
the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to 
it without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it 
some time, with expression which were construed to be those of sor- 
row, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half 
a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey." ^ Al- 
though the tribe is not named, the Indians were probably Cherokee, 
as jLo other southern Indians were then accustomed to range in that 
section. As serving to corroborate this opinion we have the state- 
ment of a prominent Cherokee chief, given to Schoolcraft in 1846, that 
according to their tradition his people had formerly hved at the Peaks 
of Otter, in Virginia, a noted landmark of the Blue Ridge, near the 
point where Staunton river breaks through the mountains.^ 

From a careful sifting of the evidence Haywood concludes that the 
authors of the most ancient remains in Temiessee had spread over that 
region from the south and southwest at a very early period, but that 
the later occupants, the Cherokee, had entered it from the north and 
northeast in comparatively recent times, overrunning and extermi- 
nating the aborigmes. He declares that the historical fact seems to be 
established that the Cherokee entered the country from Virginia, 
making temporary settlements upon New River and the upper 
Holston, until, under the continued hostile pressure from the north, 
they were again forced to remove farther to the south, fixing them- 
selves upon the Little Tennessee, in what afterward became known 
as the middle towns. By a leading mixed blood of the tribe he was 
informed that they had made their first settlements within their 
modern home territory upon Nolichucky River, and that, having 
lived there for a long period, they could give no definite account of an 
earlier location. Echota, their capital and peace town, ''claimed to 
be the eldest brother in the nation," and the claim was generally 
acknowledged.^ In confirmation of the statement as to an early 
occupancy of the upper Holston region, it may be noted that 
"Watauga Old Fields," now Elizabethtown, were so called from the 
fact that when the first white settlement within the present State of 
Tennessee was begun there, so early as 1769, the bottom lands were 
found to contain graves and other numerous ancient remains of a 
former Indian town which tradition ascribed to the Cherokee, whose 
nearest settlements were then many miles to the southward. 

While the Cherokee claimed to have built the mounds on the upper 
Ohio, they yet, according to Haywood, expressly disclaimed the 
authorship of the very numerous mounds and petroglyphs in their 
later home territory, asserting that these ancient works had exhibited 
the same appearance wlien they themselves had first occupied the 
region.* This accords with Bartram's statement that the Cherokee, 
although sometimes utilizing the mounds as sites for their own town 
houses, were as ignorant as the whites of their origin or purpose, 
having only a general tradition that their forefathers had found them 
in much the same condition on first coming into the country.^ 

1 TefEerson, Thomas, Notes on Virsrinia, pp. 136-137; ed. Boston, 1802. 

2 Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 163, 1847. 

' Haywood, Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, pp. 233, 2:^6, 269, 182:3. 
< Havwood, Nat. and Aborig. Hist. Tennessee, pp. 226, 23-1, 1823. 
'Baftram, Wm., Travels, p. 365; reprint, Londoa, 1792. 



140 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

Althougli, as has been noted, Haywood expresses the opinion that 
the invading Cherokee had overrun and exterminated the earlier 
inhabitants, he says in another place, on half-breed authority, that 
the newcomers found no Indians upon the waters of the Tennessee, 
with the exception of some Creeks living upon that river, near the 
mouth of the Hiwassee, the main body of that tribe being established 
upon and claiming all the streams to the southward.^ There is con- 
siderable evidence that the Creeks preceded the Cherokee, and within 
the last century they still claimed the Tennessee, or at least the 
Tennessee watershed, for their northern boundary. 

There is a dim but persistent tradition of a strange white race pre- 
ceding the Cherokee, some of the stories even going so far as to locate 
their former settlements and to identify them as the authors of the 
ancient works found in the country. The earliest reference appears 
to be that of Barton in 1797, on the statement of a gentleman whom 
he quotes as a valuable authority upon the southern tribes. "The 
Cheerake tell us, that when they first arrived in the country which 
they inhabit, they found it possessed by certain 'moon-eyed people,' 
who could not see in the daytime. These wretches they expelled." 
He seems to consider them an albino race.^ Haywood, twenty-six 
years later, says that the invading Cherokee found "white people" 
near the head of the Little Tennessee, with forts extending thence 
down the Tennessee as far as Chickamauga Creek. He gives the 
location of three of these forts. The Cherokee made war against them 
and drove them to the mouth of Big Chickamauga Creek, where they 
entered into a treaty and agreed to remove if permitted to depart in 
peace. Permission being granted, they abandoned the country. 
Elsewhere he speaks of this extirpated white race as having extended 
into Kentucky and probably also into western Tennessee, according 
to the concurrent traditions of different tribes. He describes their 
houses, on what authority is not stated, as having been small circular 
structures of upright logs, covered with earth which had been dug 
out from the inside.^ 

Harry Smith, a half-breed born about 1815, father of the late chief 
of the East Cherokee, informed the author that when a boy he had 
been told by an old woman a tradition of a race of very small people, 
perfectly white, who once came and lived for some time on the site of 
the ancient mound on the northern side of Hiwassee, at the mouth of 
Peachtree Creek, a few miles above the present Murphy, North Caro- 
lina. They afterward removed to the West. Colonel Thomas, the 
white chief of the East Cherokee, born about the beginning of the 
century, had also heard a tradition of another race of people, who 
lived on Hiwassee, opposite the present Murphy, and warned the 
Cherokee that they must not attempt to cross over to the south side 
of the river or the great leech in the water would swallow them.* 
They finally went west, "long before the whites came." The two 
stories are plainly the same, although told independently and many 
miles apart. 

> Haywood, op. cit., pp. 2.34-237. 

s Barton, New Views, p. xliv, 1797. 

• Haywood, Nat. and Aborig. Hist. Tennessee, pp. 166, 234-235, 287-289, 1823. 

'See story, "The Great Leech of Tlanusi'yl," p. 328. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 141 

THE PERIOD OF SPANISH EXPLORATION — 15 40-? 

The definite history of the Cherokee begins with the year 1540, at 
which date we find them aheady established, where they were always 
afterward known, in the mountains of Carolina and Georgia. The 
earliest Spanish adventurers failed to penetrate so far into the interior, 
and the first entry into their country was made by De Soto, advancing 
up the Savannah on his fruitless quest for gold, in May of that year. 

While at Cofitachiqui, an important Indian town on the lower 
Savannah governed by a " queen, '^ the Spaniards had found hatchets 
and other objects of copper, some of wnich was of finer color and 
appeared to be mixed with gold, although they had no means of testing 
it.^ On inquiry they were told that the metal had come from an 
interior mountain province called Chisca, but the country was repre- 
sented as thinly peopled and the way as impassable for horses. Some 
time before, while advancing through eastern Georgia, they had 
heard also of a rich and plentiful province called Coca, toward the 
northwest, and by the people of Cofitachiqui they were now told that 
Chiaha, the nearest town of Coca province, was twelve days inland. 
As both men and animals were already nearly exhausted from hunger 
and hard travel, and the Indians either could not or would not furnish 
sufficient provision for their needs, De Soto determined not to attempt 
the passage of the mountains then, but to push on at once to Coca, 
there to rest and recuperate before undertaking further exploration. 
In the meantime he hoped also to obtain more definite information 
concerning the mines. As the chief purpose of the expedition was the 
discovery of the mines, many of the officers regarded this change of 
plan as a mistake, and favored staying where they were until the new 
crop should be ripened, then go directly into the mountains, but as 
the general was "a stern man and of few words," none ventured to 
oppose his resolution.^ The province of Coca was the territory of the 
Creek Indians, called Ani'-Kusa by the Cherokee, from Kusa, or 
Coosa, their ancient capital, while Chiaha was identical with Chehaw, 
one of the principal Creek towns on Chattahoochee River. Cofitachi- 
qui may have been the capital of the Uchee Indians. 

The outrageous conduct of the Spaniards had so angered the Indian 
queen that she now refused to furnish guides and carriers, whereupon 
De Soto made her a prisoner, with the design of compelling her to act 
as guide herself, and at the same time to use her as a hostage to com- 
mand the obedience of her subjects. Instead, however, of conduct- 
ing the Spaniards by the direct trail toward the west, she led them far 
out of their course until she finally managed to make her escape, 
leaving them to find their way out of the mountains as best they 
could. 

Departing from Cofitachiqui, they turned first toward the north, 
passing through several towns subject to the queen, to whom, al- 
though a prisoner, the Indians everywhere showed great respect and 
obedience, furnishing whatever assistance the Spaniards comiDelled 
her to demand for their own purposes. In a few days they came to 
''a province called Chalaque," the territory of the Cherokee Indians, 
probably upon the waters of Keowee River, the eastern head stream 
of the Savannah. It is described as the poorest country for corn that 

' Garcilaso de la V«ga, La Florida del Inca, pp. 129, 133-134; Madrid, 1723. 

* Gentleman of Elvas, Publications of the Hakluyt Society, ts, pp. 52, 58, 64; London, 1851. 



142 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

tliey had yet seen, the inhabitants subsisting on wUd roots and 
herbs and on game which they killed with bows and arrows. They 
were naked, lean, and unwarlike. The country abounded in wild 
turkeys ("gallinas"), which the people gave very freely to the 
strangers, one town presenting them with seven hundred. A chief 
also gave De Soto two deerskins as a great present.^ Garcilaso, writ- 
ing on the authority of an old soldier nearly fifty years afterward, 
says that the "Chalaques" deserted their towns on the approach of 
the white men and fled to the mountains, leaving behind only old 
men and women and some who were nearly blind.^ Although it was 
too early for the new crop, the poverty of the people may have been 
more apparent than real, due to their unwillingness to give any part 
of their stored-up provision to the unwelcome strangers. As the 
Spaniards were greatly in need of corn for themselves and their 
horses, they made no stay, but hurried on. In a few days they ar- 
rived at Guaquili, which is mentioned only by Ranjel, who does not 
specify whether it was a town or a province — i. e., a tribal territory. 
It was probably a small town. Here they were welcomed in a friendly 
manner, the Indians giving them a little corn and many wUd turkeys, 
together with some dogs of a peculiar small species, which were bred 
for eating purposes and did not bark.^ They were also supplied with 
men to help carry the baggage. The name Guaquili has a Cherokee 
sound and may be connected with wa'gull', " whippoorwill," uwa' 
gi%, ''foam,'' or gi'U, "dog." 

Traveling still toward the north, they arrived a day or two later in 
the province of Xuala, in which we recognize the territory of the 
Suwali, Sara, or Cheraw Indians, in the piedmont region about the 
head of Broad River in North Carolina. Garcilaso, who did not see it, 
represents it as a rich country, while the Elvas narrative and Biedma 
agree that it was a rough, broken country, thinly inhabited and poor 
in provision. According to Garcilaso, it was under the rule oi the 
queen of Cofitachiqui, although a distinct province in itself.* The 
principal town was beside a small rapid stream, close under a moun- 
tain. The chief received them in friendly fashion, giving them corn, 
dogs of the small breed already mentioned, carrying baskets, and bur- 
den bearers. The country roundabout showed greater indications of 
gold mines than any they had yet seen.^ 

Here De Soto turned to the west, crossing a very high mountain 
range, which appears to have been the Blue Ridge, and descending on 
the other side to a stream flowing in the opposite direction, which 
was probably one of the upper tributaries of the French Broad.^ 
Although it was late in May, they found it very cold in the moun- 
tains.® After several days of such travel they arrived, about the end 
of the month, at the town of GuasHi, or Guaxule. The chief and 
principal men came out some distance to welcome them, dressed in 
fine robes of skins, with feather head dresses, after the fashion of the 
country. Before reaching this point the queen had managed to make 
her escape, together with three slaves of the Spaniards, and the last 
that was heard of her was that she was on her way back to her own 

1 Gentleman of Elvas, Publications of the Hakluyt Society, IX, p. 60, London, 1851. 

s Garcilaso, La Florida del Inca, p. 136, ed. 1723. 

« Ranjel, ui Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, i, p. 662; Madrid, 1851. 

< Garcilaso, La Florida del Inca, p. 137, 1723. 

' See note 8, De Soto's route. 

« Ranjel, op. cit., i, p. 562. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 143 

country witli one of the runaways as lier husband. What grieved 
De Soto most in the matter was that she took with her a small box of 
pearls, which he had intended to take from her before releasing her, 
but had left with her for the present in order "not to discontent 
her altogether." ^ 

Guaxule is described as a very large town surrounded by a number 
of small mountain streams which united to form the large river down 
which the Spaniards proceeded after leaving the place.^ Here, as 
elsewhere, the Indians received the white men with kindness and hos- 
pitality — so much so that the name of Guaxule became to the army a 
synonym for good fortune.' Among other things they gave the Span- 
iards 300 dogs for food, although, according to the Elvas narrative, 
the Indians themselves did not eat them.* The principal officers of 
the expedition were lodged in the "chiefs house," by which we are to 
understand the to^^mhouse, which was upon a high hill with a roadway 
to the top.^ From a close study of the narrative it appears that this 
"hill" was no other than the great Nacoochee mound, in White 
county, Georgia, a few miles northwest of the present Clarkesville.^ 
It was -within the Cherokee territory, and the town was probably a 
settlement of that tribe. From here De Soto sent runners ahead to 
notify the chief of Chiaha of his approach, in order that sufficient corn 
might be ready on his arrival. 

Leaving Guaxule, they proceeded down the river, which we identify 
with the Chattahoochee, and in two days arrived at Canasoga, or 
Canasagua, a frontier town of the Cherokee. As they neared the town 
they were met by the Indians, bearing baskets of ' 'mulberries, " ^ more 
probably the delicious service berry of the southern mountains, which 
ripens in the early summer, while the mulberry matures later. 

From here they continued down the river, which grew constantly 
larger, through an uninhabited country which formed the disputed 
territory between the Cherokee and the Creeks. About five days after 
leaving Canasagua they were met by messengers, who escorted them 
to Chiaha, the first town of the province of Copa. De Soto had crossed 
the State of Georgia, leavmg the Cherokee country behind him, and 
was now among the Lower Creeks, in the neighborhood of the present 
Columbus, Georgia. With his subsequent wanderings after crossing 
the Chattahoochee into Alabama and beyond we need not concern 
ourselves. 

While resting at Chiaha De Soto met with a chief who confirmed 
what the Spaniards had heard before concerning mines in the province 
of Chisca, saying that there was there "a melting of copper" and of 
another metal of about the same color, but softer, and therefore not so 
much used.^ The province was northward from Chiaha, somewhere in 
upper Georgia or the adjacent part of Alabama or Tennessee, through 
all of which mountain region native copper is found. The other 
mineral, which the Spaniards understood to be gold, may have been 
iron p3nrites, although there is some evidence that the Indians occa- 
sionally found and shaped gold nuggets. 

1 Elvas, Hakluyt Society, ix, p. 61, 1851. 

2 Garcilaso, op. cit., p. 139. 

8 Ranjel, lq Oviedo, Historia, i, p. 563, 1851. 

< Elvas, Biedma, and Ranjel, aU make special references to the dogs given them at this place; they seem 
to have been of the same small breed ("perrillos") which Ranjel says the Indians used for food. 
' Garcilaso, La Florida del Inca, p. 139, 1723. 
« See note 8, De Soto's route. 

' See Elvas, Hakluyt Society, ix, p. 61, 1851; and Ranjel, op. cit., p. 563. 
• Elvas, op. cit., p. 64. 



144 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

Accordingly two soldiers were sent on foot with Indian guides to 
find Chisca and learn the truth of the stories. They rejoined the army 
some time after the march had been resumed, and reported according 
to the Elvas chronicler, that their guides had taken them through a 
country so poor in corn, so rough, and over so high mountains that it 
would be impossible for the army to follow; wherefore, as the way 
grew long and Ungering, they had turned back after reaching a little 
poor town where they saw nothing that was of any profit. They 
brought back with them a dressed buffalo skin which the Indians there 
had given them, the first ever obtained by white men, and described in 
the quaint old chronicle as '' an ox hide as thin as a calf's skin, and the 
hair hke a soft wool between the coarse and fine wool of sheep." ^ 

Garcilaso's glowing narrative gives a somewhat different impression. 
According to this author the scouts returned full of enthusiasm for 
the fertihty of the country, and reported that the mines were of a fine 
species of copper, and had indications also of gold and silver, while 
their progress from one town to another had been a continual series of 
feastings and Indian hospitalities.^ However that may have been, 
De Soto made no further effort to reach the Cherokee mines, but con- 
tinued his course westward through the Creek country, having spent 
altogether a month in the mountain region. 

There is no record of any second attempt to penetrate the Cherokee 
country for twenty-six years. In 1561 the Spaniards took formal 
possession of the Bay of Santa Elena, now Saint Helena, near Port 
Royal, on the coast of South Carohna. The next year the French 
made an unsuccessful attempt at settlement at the same place, and in 
1566 Menendez made the Spanish occupancy sure by establishing 
there a fort which he called San Fehpe.^ In November of that year 
Captain Juan Pardo was sent with a party from the fort to explore the 
interior. Accompanied by the chief of '' Juada" (which from Vande- 
ra's narrative we find should be "Joara," i. e., the Sara Indians 
already mentioned in the De Soto chronicle), he proceeded as far as 
the territory of that tribe, where he built a fort, but on account of the 
snow in the mountains did not think it advisable to go farther, and 
returned, leaving a sergeant with thirty soldiers to garrison the post. 
Soon after his return he received a letter from the sergeant stating 
that the chief of Chisca — the rich mining country of which De Soto 
had heard — was very hostile to the Spaniards, and that in a recent 
battle the latter had killed a thousand of his Indians and burned fifty 
houses with almost no damage to themselves. Either the sergeant 
or his chronicler must have been an unconscionable Har, as it was 
asserted that all this was done with only fifteen men. Immediately 
afterward, according to the same story, the sergeant marched with 
twenty men about a day's distance in the mountains against another 
hostile chief, whom he found in a strongly paHsaded town, which, 
after a hard fight, he and his men stormed and burned, killing fifteen 
hundred Indians without losing a single man themselves. Under 
instructions from his superior officer, the sergeant with his small 
party then proceeded to explore what lay beyond, and, taking a road 
which they were told led to the territory of a great chief, after four 

> Elvas, Hakluyt Society, ix, p. 66, 1851. 

2 Garcilaso, La Florida del Inca, p. 141, ed. 1723. 

* Shea, J. G., in Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, n, pp. 260, 278: Boston, 1886. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 145 

days of hard marching they came to his town, called Chiaha (Chicha, 
by mistake in the manuscript translation), the same where De Soto 
had rested. It is described at this time as paUsaded and strongly 
fortified, with a deep river on each side, and defended by over three 
thousand fighting men, there being no women or children among 
them. It is possible that in view of their former experience with the 
Spaniards, the Indians had sent their famiUes away from the town, 
while at the same time they may have summoned warriors from the 
neighboring Creek towns in order to be prepared for any emergency 
However, as before, they received the white men with the greatest 
kindness, and the Spaniards continued for twelve days through the 
territories of the same tribe until they arrived at the principal town 
(Kusa ?) , where, by the invitation of the chief, they built a small fort 
and awaited the coming of Pardo, who was expected to follow with a 
larger force from Santa Elena, as he did in the summer of 1567, being 
met on his arrival with every show of hospitahty from the Creek 
chiefs. This second fort was said to be one hundred and forty leagues 
distant from that in the Sara country, which latter was called one 
hundred and twenty leagues from Santa Elena. ^ 

In the summer of 1567, according to previous agreement. Captain 
Pardo left the fort at Santa Elena with a small detachment of troops, 
and after a week's travel, sleeping each night at a different Indian 
town, arrived at ''Canos, which the Indians call Canosi, and by an- 
other name, Cofeta^que" (the Cofitachiqui of the De Soto chronicle), 
which is described as situated in a favorable location for a large city, 
fifty leagues from Santa Elena, to which the easiest road was by a 
river (the Savannah) which flowed by the town, or by another which 
they had passed ten leagues farther back. Proceeding, they passed 
Jagaya, Gueza, and Arauchi, and arrived at Otariyatiqui, or Otari, 
in which we have perhaps the Cherokee a' tan or d'dtm, "mountain." 
It may have been a frontier Cherokee settlement, and, according to 
the old chronicler, its chief and language ruled much good country. 
From here a trail went northward to Guatari, Sauxpa, and Usi, i. e., 
the Wateree, Waxhaw (or Sissipahaw?), and Ushery or Catawba. 

Leaving Otariyatiqui, they went on to Quinahaqui, and then, turn- 
ing to the left, to Issa, where they found mines of crystal (mica?). 
They came next to Aguaquiri (the GuaquiU of the De Soto chronicle), 
and then to Joara, ''near to the mountain, where Juan Pardo arrived 
with his sergeant on his first trip." This, as has been noted, was the 
Xuala of the De Soto chronicle, the territory of the Sara Indians, in 
the foothills of the Blue Ridge, southeast from the present Asheville, 
North Carolina. Vandera makes it one hundred leagues from Santa 
Elena, while Martinez, already quoted, makes the distance one hun- 
dred and twenty leagues The difference is not important, as both 
statements were only estimates. From there they followed "along 
the mountains" to Tocax (Toxaway?), Cauchi (Nacoochee?), and 
Tanasqui — apparently Cherokee towns, although the forms can not 
be identified — and after resting three days at the last-named place 
went on "to Solameco, otherwise called Chiaha," where the sergeant 
met them. The combined forces afterward went on, through Cossa 
(Kusa), Tasquiqui (Taskigi), and other Creek towns, as far as Tasca- 

1 Narrative of Pardo's expedition by Martinez, about 1568, Brooks manuscripts. 
75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 10 



146 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

luza, in the Alabama country, and returned thence to Santa Elena, 
ha^'ing apparently met with a friendly reception everywhere along 
the route. From Cofitachiqui to Tascaluza they went over about the 
same road traversed by De Soto in 1540.^ 

We come now to a great gap of nearly a century. Shea has a notice 
of a Spanish mission founded among the Cherokee in 1643 and still 
flourishing when visited by an English traveler ten years later ,2 but as 
his information is derived entirely from the fraudulent work of 
Davies, and as no such mission is mentioned by Barcia in any of these 
years, we may regard the story as spurious. The first mission 
work in the tribe appears to have been that of Priber, almost a hun- 
dred years later. Long before the end of the sixteenth century, 
however, the existence of mines of gold and other metals in the Chero- 
kee country was a matter of common knowledge among the Span- 
iards at St. Augustine and Santa Elena, and more than one expedition 
had been fitted out to explore the interior.' Numerous traces of 
ancient mining operations, with remains of old shafts and fortifica- 
tions, evidently of European origin, show that these discoveries were 
followed up, although the policy of Spain concealed the fact from the 
outside world. How much permanent impression this early Spanish 
intercourse made on the Cherokee it is impossible to estimate, but it 
must have been considerable. 

THE COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD — 1654-1784. 

It was not until 1654 that the English first came into contact with 
the Cherokee, called in the records of the period Rechahecrians, a cor- 
ruption of Rickahockan, apparently the name by which they were 
known to the Powhatan tribes. In that year the Virginia colony, 
which had only recently concluded a long and exterminating war with 
the Powhatan, was thrown into alarm by the news that a great body 
of six or seven hundred Rechahecrian Indians — by which is probably 
meant that number of warriors — from the mountains had invaded the 
lower country and estabhshed themselves at the falls of James River, 
where now is the city of Richmond. The assembly at once passed 
resolutions " that these new come Indians be in no sort suffered to seat 
themselves there, or any place near us, it having cost so much blood 
to expel and extirpate those perfidious and treacherous Indians which 
were there formerly." It was therefore ordered that a force of at least 
100 white men be at once sent against them, to be joined by the war- 
riors of all the neighboring subject tribes, according to treaty obliga- 
tion. The Pamunkey chief, with a hundred of his men, responded to 
the summons, and the combined force marched against the invaders. 
The result was a bloody battle, with disastrous outcome to the Vir- 
ginians, the Pamunkey chief with most of his men being lalled, w^hile 
the whites were forced to make such terms of peace with the Recha- 
hecrians that the assembly cashiered the commander of the expedition 
and compelled him to pay the whole cost of the treaty from his own 
estate.* Owing to the imperfection of the Virginia records we have 
no means of knowing the causes of the sudden invasion or how long 
the invaders retained their position at the falls. In all probabihty it 

1 Vandera narrative, 1569, in French, B. F., Hist. Colls, of La. new series, pp. 289-292; New York, 1875. 

2 Shea, J. G., Catholic Missions, p. 72; New York, 1855. 

3 See Brooks manuscripts in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
< Burk, John, History of Virginia, n, pp. 104-107; Petersburg, 1805, 



INDIANS OF NORTH CABOLINA. 147 

was only the last of a long series of otherwise unrecorded irruptions 
by the mountaineers on the more peaceful dwellers in the lowlands. 
From a remark in Lederer it is probable that the Cherokee were assisted 
also by some of the piedmont tribes hostile to the Powhatan. The 
Peaks of Otter, near which the Cherokee claim to have once lived, as 
has been already noted, are only about one hundred miles in a straight 
line from Richmond, while the burial mound and to-svn site near 
Charlottesville, mentioned by Jefferson, are but half that distance. 

In 1655 a Virginia expedition sent out from the falls of James River 
(Richmond) crossed over the mountains to the large streams flowing 
into the Mississippi. No details are given and the route is uncertain, 
but whether or not they met Indians, they must have passed through 
Cherokee territory.^ 

In 1670 the German traveler, John Lederer, went from the falls of 
James River to the Catawba country, in South Carohna, following for 
most of the distance the path used by the Virginia traders, who already 
had regular deahngs with the southern tribes, including probably the 
Cherokee. He speaks in several places of the Rickahockan, which 
seems to be a more correct form than Rechahecrian, and his narrative 
and the accompanying map put them in the mountains of North Caro- 
lina, back of the Catawba and the Sara and southward from the head 
of Roanoke River. They were apparently on hostile terms with the 
tribes to the eastward, and while the traveler was stopping at an In- 
dian village on Dan River, about the present Clarksville, Virginia, a 
delegation of Rickahockan, which had come on tribal business, was bar- 
barously murdered at a dance prepared on the night of their arrival by 
their treacherous hosts. On reaching the Catawba country he heard 
of white men to the southward, and incidentally mentions that the 
neighboring mountains were called the Suala Mountains by the Span- 
iards.2 In the next year, 1671, a party from Virginia under Thomas 
Batts explored the northern branch of Roanoke River and crossed 
over the Blue Ridge to the headwaters of New River, where they found 
traces of occupancy, but no Indians. By this time all the tribes of 
this section, east of the mountains, were in possession of firearms.^ 

The first permanent English settlement in South Carolina was 
estabhshed in 1670. In 1690 James Moore, secretary of the colony, 
made an exploring expedition into the mountains and reached a point 
at which, according to his Indian guides, he was within twenty miles 
of where the Spaniards were engaged in mining and smelting with 
bellows and furnaces; but on account of some misunderstanding he 
returned without visiting the place, although he procured specimens 
of ores, which he sent to England for assay.* It may have been in the 
neighborhood of the present Lincolnton, North Carohna, where a dam 
of cut stone and other remains of former civilized occupancy have re- 
cently been discovered. In this year, also, Cornelius Dougherty, 
an Irishman from Virginia, established himself as the first trader 
among the Cherokee, with whom he spent the rest of his life.^ Some 
of his descendants still occupy honored positions in the tribe. 

1 Ramsey, J. G. M., Annals of Tennessee, p. 37; Charleston. 1853 (quoting Martin, North Carolina, r, 
p. 115, 1853). 

2 Lederer, John, Discoveries, pp. 15, 26, 27, 29, 33, and map; reprint, Charleston, 1891; Mooney, Siouan 
Tribes of the East (bulletin of Bureau of Ethnology), pp. 53-54, 1894. 

3 Mooney, op. cit., pp. 34-35. 

* Docunient of 1699, quoted ia South Carolina Hist. Soc. Colls., I, p. 209; Charleston, 1857. 
' Haywood, Nat. and Aborig. Hist. Tennessee, p. 233, 1823. 



148 INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 

Among the manuscript archives of South Carolina there was said to 
be, some 50 years ago, a treaty or agreement made with the govern- 
ment of that colony by the Cherokee in 1684, and signed with the 
hieroglyphics of eight chiefs of the lower towns, viz, Corani, the 
Raven (Ka'lanti); Sinnawa, the Hawk (Tla'nuwa); Nellawgitehi, 
Gorhaleke, and Owasta, all of Toxawa; and Canacaught, the great 
Conjuror, Gohoma, and Caunasaita, of Keowa. If still in existence, 
this is probably the oldest Cherokee treaty on record.^ 

What seems to be the next mention of the Cherokee in the South 
Carohna records occurs in 1691, when we find an inquiry ordered in 
regard to a report that some of the colonists "have, without any 
proclamation of war, fallen upon and murdered" several of that tribe.* 

In 1 693 some Cherokee chiefs went to Charleston with presents for 
the governor and offers of friendship, to ask the protection of South 
Carolina against their enemies, the Esaw (Catawba), Savanna 
(Shawano), and Congaree, aU of that colony, who had made war upon 
them and sold a number of their tribesmen into slavery. They were 
told that their kinsmen could not now be recovered, but that the 
English desired friendship with their tribe, and that the Government 
would see that there would be no future ground for such complaint.' 
The promise was apparently not kept, for in 1705 we find a bitter 
accusation brought against Governor Moore, of South Carolina, that 
ho had granted commissions to a number of persons "to set upon, 
assault, kill, destroy, and take captive as many Indians as they pos- 
sible [sic] could," the prisoners being sold into slavery for his and their 
private profit. By this course, it was asserted, he had "already 
almost utterly ruined the trade for skins and furs, whereby we held 
our chief correspondence with England, and turned it mto a trade of 
Indians or slave making, whereby the Indians to the south and west 
of us are already involved in blood and confusion." The arraign- 
ment concludes with a warning that such conditions would in all 
probabiUty draw down upon the colony an Indian war with aU its 
dreadful consequences.* In view of what happened a few years later 
this reads like a prophecy. 

About the year 1700 the first guns were introduced among the 
Cherokee, the event being fixed traditionally as having occurred in 
the girlhood of an old woman of the tribe who died about 1775.^ In 
1708 we find them described as a numerous people, living in the 
mountains northwest from the Charleston settlements and having 
sixty towns, but of small importance in the Indian trade, being 
"but ordinary hunters and less warriors." ° 

In the war with the Tuscarora in 1711-1713, which resulted in the 
expulsion of that tribe from North Carolina, more than a thousand 
southern Indians reenforced the South Carolina volunteers, among 
them being over two hundred Cherokee, hereditary enemies of the 
Tuscarora. Although these Indian allies did their work well in the 
actual encounters, their assistance was of doubtful advantage, as they 
helped themselves freely to whatever they wanted along the way, so 
that the settlers had reason to fear them almost as much as the hostile 

' Noted in Cherokee Advocate, Tahlequah, Indian Territory, January 30, 1845. 

2 Document of 1691, South Carolina Hist. Soc. Colls., I, p. 126. 

3 Hewat, South Carolina and Georgia, i, p. 127, 1778. 

* Documents of 1705, in North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 904; Raleigh, 1886. 
6 Haywood, Nat. and Aborig. Tenn., p. 237, 1823; with tho usual idea that Indians live to extreme old 
age, Haywood makes her 110 years old at her death, putting back the introduction of firearms to 1677. 
» Letter of 1708, ia Rivers, South Carolina, p. 238, 1856. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 149 

Tuscarora. After torturing a large number of their prisoners in the 
usual savage fashion, they returned with the remainder, whom they 
afterward sold as slaves to South CaroMna.^ 

Having wiped out old scores with the Tuscarora, the late allies of 
the English proceeded to discuss their own grievances, which, as we 
have seen, were sufficiently galling. The result was a combination 
against the whites, embracing all the tribes from Cape Fear to the 
Chattahoochee, including the Cherokee, who thus for the first time 
raised their hand against the EngUsh. The war opened with a terrible 
massacre by the Yamassee in April, 1715, followed by assaults along 
the whole frontier, until for a time it was seriously feared that the 
colony of South Carolina would be wiped out of existence. In a 
contest between savagery and civilization, however, the final result is 
inevitable. The settlers at last raUied their whole force under Gov- 
ernor Craven and administered such a crushing blow to the Yamassee 
that the remnant abandoned their country and took refuge with the 
Spaniards in Florida or among the Lower Creeks. The Enghsh then 
made short work with the smaller tribes along the coast, while those 
in the interior were soon glad to sue for peace.^ 

A number of Cherokee chiefs having come down to Charleston in 
company with a trader to express their desire for peace, a force of 
several hundred white troops and a number of negroes under Colonel 
Maurice Moore went up the Savannah in the winter of 1715-16 and 
made headquarters among the Lower Cherokee, where they were 
met by the chiefs of the Lower and some of the western towns, 
who reaffirmed their desire for a lasting peace with the English, but 
refused to fight against the Yamassee, although wilhng to proceed 
against some other tribes. They laid the blame for most of the 
trouble upon the traders, who, "had been very abuseful to them of 
late." A detachment under Colonel George Chicken, sent to the 
Upper Cherokee, penetrated to "Quoneashee" (Tlanusi'yl, on Hiwas- 
see, about the present Murphy) where they found the chiefs more 
defiant, resolved to continue the war against the Creeks, with whom 
the Enghsh were then trying to make peace, and demanding large 
supplies of guns and ammunition, saying that if they made a peace 
with the other tribes they would have no means of getting slaves with 
which to buy ammunition for themselves. At this time they claimed 
2,370 warriors, of whom half were beMeved to have guns. As the 
strength of the whole nation was much greater, this estimate may 
have been for the Upper and Middle Cherokee only. After "abund- 
ance of persuading" by the officers, they finally "told us they would 
trust us once again," and an arrangement was made to furnish them 
two hundred guns with a supply of ammunition, together with fifty 
white soldiers, to assist them against the tribes with which the 
English were still at war. In March, 1716, this force was increased by 
one hundred men. The detachment under Colonel Chicken returned 
by way of the towns on the upper part of the Little Tennessee, thus 
penetrating the heart of the Cherokee country. ^ 

Steps were now taken to secure peace by inaugurating a satisfactory 
trade system, for which purpose a large quantity of suitable goods 

1 Royce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 140, 1888; Hewat, op. cit , p. 216 et 
passim. 
« Hewat, South Carolina and Georgia, I, p. 216 et passim, 1778. 
• See Journal of Colonel George Chicken, 1715-16, with notes, in Charleston Yearbook, pp. 313-354, 1894. 



150 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

was purchased at the public expense of South CaroHna, and a corre- 
spondingly large party was equipped for the initial trip.^ In 1721, 
in order still more to systematize Indian affairs, Governor Nicholson 
of South Carohna invited the chiefs of the Cherokee to a conference, 
at which thirty-seven towns were represented. A treaty was made 
by which trading methods were regulated, a boundary line between 
their territory and the English settlements was agreed upon, and an 
agent was appointed to superintend their affairs. At the governor's 
suggestion, one chief, called Wrosetasatow( ?) was formally commis- 
sioned as supreme head of the nation, with authority to punish all 
offenses, including murder, and to represent all Cherokee claims to 
the colonial government. Thus were the Cherokee reduced from their 
former condition of a free people, ranging where their pleasure led, to 
that of dependent vassals with bounds fixed by a colonial governor. 
The negotiations were accompanied by a cession of land, the first in , 
the history of the tribe. In httle more than a century thereafter they 
had signed away their whole original territory. ^ 

The document of 1716 already quoted puts the strength of the 
Cherokee at that time at 2,370 warriors, but in this estimate the 
Lower Cherokee seem not to have been included. In 1715, according, 
to a trade census compiled by Governor Johnson of South CaroHna, 
the tribe had thirty towns, with 4,000 warriors and a total population 
of 11,210.^ Another census in 1721 gives them fifty-three towns with 
3,510 warriors and a total of 10,379,* while the report of the board of 
trade for the same year gives them 3,800 warriors,^ equivalent, by the 
same proportion, to nearly 12,000 total. Adair, a good authority on 
such matters, estimates, about the year 1735, when the country was 
better known, that they had ''sixty-four towns and villages, populous 
and full of children," with more than 6,000 fighting men,^ equivalent 
on the same basis of computation to between 16,000 and 17,000 souls. 
From what we know of them in later times, it is probable that this 
last estimate is very nearly correct. 

By this time the colonial government had become alarmed at the 
advance of the French, who had made their first permanent establish- 
ment in the Gulf States at Biloxi Bay, Mississippi, in 1699, and in 
1714 had built Fort Toulouse, known to the English as "the fort at 
the Alabamas," on Coosa River, a few miles above the present Mont- 
gomery, Alabama. From this central vantage point they had rapidly 
extended their influence among all the neighboring tribes until m 
1721 it was estimated that 3,400 warriors who had formerly traded 
with Carolina had been "entirely debauched to the French interest," 
while 2,000 more were wavering, and only the Cherokee could still be 
considered friendly to the English.'' From this time until the final 
withdrawal of the French in 1763 the explanation of our Indian wars 
is to be found in the struggle between the two nations for territorial 
and commercial supremacy, the Indian being simply the cat's-paw of 
one or the other. For reasons of their own, tlie Chickasaw, whose 
territory lay within the recognized limits of Louisiana, soon became 

1 Journal of South Carolina Assembly, in North Carolina Colonial Records, n, pp. 225-227, 1886. 

2 Hewat, South Carolina and Georgia, i, pp. 297-298, 1778; Royce, Cherokee Nation in Fifth Ann. Rep, 
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 144 and map, 1888. 

3 Royce, op. cit., p. 142. 

* Document of 1724, in Femow, Berthold, Ohio Valley in Colonial Days, pp. 273-275; Albany, 1890. 

^Report of Board of Trade, 1721, in North Carolina Colonial Records, n, p. 422, 1886. 

6 Adair, James, American Indians, p. 227: London, 1775. 

' Board of Trade report, 1721, North Carolina Colonial Records, n, p. 422, 1886. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 151 

the uncompromising enemies of the French, and as their position 
enabled them in a measure to control the approach from the !Missis- 
sippi, the Carolina government saw to it that tney were kept well sup- 
plied with guns and ammunition. British traders were in all their 
towns, and on one occasion a French force, advancing against a Chick- 
asaw pahsaded village, found it garrisoned by Englishmen flying the 
British flag.^ The Cherokee, although nominally allies of the EngUsh, 
were strongly disposed to favor the French, and it required every 
effort of the Carolina government to hold them to their allegiance. 

In 1730, to further fix the Cherokee in the English interest. Sir 
Alexander Cuming w^as dispatched on a secret mission to that tribe, 
which was again smarting under grievances and almost ready to join 
with the Creeks in an alliance with the French. Proceeding to the 
ancient town of Nequassee (NikwasI', at the present Frankhn, North 
Carolina), he so impressed the chiefs by his bold bearing that ihej 
conceded without question all his demands, submitting themselves 
and their people for the second time to the Enghsh dominion and 
designating Moytoy, of Tellico, to act as their "emperor" and to 
represent the nation in all transactions with the whites. Seven chiefs 
were selected to visit England, where, in the palace at Whitehall, 
they solemnly renewed the treaty, acknowledging the sovereignty of 
England and binding themselves to have no trade or alhance mth any 
other nation, not to allow any other white people to settle among 
them, and to deliver up any fugitive slaves who might seek refuge 
with them. To confirm their words they delivered a "crown," five 
eagle tails, and four scalps, which they had brought with thrm. In 
return they received the usual ghttering promises of love and per- 
petual friendship, together with a substantial quantity of guns, 
ammunition, and red paint. The treaty being concluded in Septem- 
ber, they took ship for Carohna, where they arrived, as we are told 
by the governor, "in good health and mightily weU satisfied w4th His 
Majesty's bounty to them." ^ 

In the next year some action was taken to use the Cherokee and 
Catawba to subdue the refractory remnant of the Tuscarora in North 
CaroUna, but when it was found that this was hable to bring down the 
wrath of the Iroquois upon the Carohna settlements, more peaceable 
methods were used instead.^ 

In 1738 or 1739 the smallpox, brought to Carolina by slave ships, 
broke out among the Cherokee with such terrible effect that, according 
to Adair, nearly half the tribe was swept away within a year. The 
awful mortality was due largely to the fact that as it was a new and 
strange disease to the Indians they had no proper remedies against it, 
and therefore resorted to the universal Indian panacea for "strong" 
sickness of almost any kind, viz, cold plunge baths in the running 
stream, the worst treatment that could possibly be devised. As the 
pestilence spread unchecked from town to town, despair fell upon the 
nation. The priests, beheving the visitation a penalty for violation of 
the ancient ordinances, threw away their sacred paraphernaha as things 
which had lost their protecting power. Hundreds of the warriors 

1 Pickett, A. J., History of Alabama, pp. 234, 280, 288; reprint, Sheffield, 1896. 

2 Hewat, South Carolina and Georgia, n, pp. 3-11, 1779; treaty documents of 1730, North Carolina Colo- 
nial Records, m, pp. 128-133, 18SR; Jenkinson, Collection of '; reaties, ii, pp. 315-318; Drake, S. G., Early 
History of Georgia; Cuming's Embassy; Boston, 1872; letter of Governor Johnson, December 27, 1730, 
noted m South Carolina Hist. Soc. Colls., I, p. 246, 1857. 

3 Documents of 1731 and 1732, North Carolina Colonial Records, in, pp. 153, 202, 345, 369, 393, 1886. 



152 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

committed suicide on beholding their frightful disfigurement. "Some 
shot themselves, others cut their throats, some stabbed themselves 
with knives and others with sharp-pointed canes; many threw them- 
selves with sullen madness into the fire and there slowly expired, as if 
they had been utterly divested of the native power of feehng pain." * 
Another authority estimates their loss at a thousand warriors, partly 
from smallpox and partly from rum brought in by the traders.^ 

About the year 1740 a trading path for horsemen was marked out 
by the Cherokee from the new settlement of Augusta, in Georgia, to 
their towns on the headwaters of Savannah River and thence on to the 
west. This road, which went up the south side of the river, soon 
became much frequented.^ Previous to this time most of the trading 
goods had been transported on the backs of Indians. In the same 
year a party of Cherokee under the war chief K^'lanti, "The Raven," 
took part in Oglethorpe's expedition against the Spaniards of Saint 
Augustine.^ 

In 1736 Christian Priber, said to be a Jesuit acting in the French 
interest, had come among the Cherokee, and, by the facility with 
which he learned the language and adapted himself to the native dress 
and mode of Uf e, had quicklj acquired a leading influence among them. 
He drew up for their adoption a scheme of government modeled after 
the European plan, with the capital at Great Telhco, in Tennessee, 
the principal medicine man as emperor, and himself as the emperor's 
secretary. Under this title he corresponded with the South Carohna 
government until it began to be \<^ared that he would ultimately win 
over the whole tribe to the French \^ide. A commissioner was sent to 
arrest him, but the Cherokee refused to give him up, and the deputy 
was obhged to return under safe-conduct of an escort furnished by 
Priber. Five years after the inauguration of his work, however, he 
was seized by some English traders while on his way to Fort Toulouse, 
and brought as a prisoner to Frederic a, in Georgia, where he soon 
afterward died while under confinement. Although his enemies had 
represented him as a monster, inciting the Indians to the grossest 
immoralities, he proved to be a gentleman of pohshed address, exten- 
sive learning, and rare courage, as was shown later on the occasion of 
an explosion in the barracks magazine. Besides Greek, Latin, French, 
German, Spanish, and fluent Enghsh, he spoke also the Cherokee, 
and among his papers which were seized was found a manuscript 
dictionary of the language, which he had prepared for pubHcation — 
the first, and even yet, perhaps, the most important study of the lan- 
guage ever made. Says Adair: 

As lie was learned and possessed of a very sagacious penetrating judgment, and 
had every qualification that was reqxiisite for his bold and difficult enterprise, it was 
not to be doubted that, as he wrote a Cheerake dictionary, designed to be published 
at Paris, he likewise set down a great deal that would have been very acceptable to 
the curious and serviceable to the representatives of South Carolina and Georgia, 
which may be readily found in Frederica if the manuscripts have had the good for- 
tune to escape the despoiling hands of military power. 

He claimed to be a Jesuit, acting under orders of his superior, to 
introduce habits of steady industry, civiHzed arts, and a regular form 
of government among the southern tribes, with a view to the ultimate 

1 Adair, American Indians, pp. 232-234, 1775. 

2 Meadows (?), State of the Province of Georgia, p. 7, 1742, in Force Tracts, i, 1836. 
'" Jones, C. C, History of Georgia, i, pp. 327, 328; Boston, 1883. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 153 

founding of an independent Indian state. From all that can be gath- 
ered of him, even though it comes from his enemies, there can be little 
doubt that he was a worthy member of that illustrious order whose 
name has been a synonym for scholarship, devotion, and courage from 
the days of Jogues and Marquette down to De Smet and Mengarini.^ 

Up to this time no civihzing or mission work had been undertaken 
by either of the Carohna governments among any of the tribes within 
tneir borders. As one writer of the period quaintly puts it, "The 
gospel spirit is not yet so gloriously arisen as to seek them more than 
theirs," while another in stronger terms affirms, "To the shame of 
the Christian name, no pains have ever been taken to convert them to 
Christianity; on the contrary, their morals are perverted and cor- 
ruj)ted by the sad example they daily have of its depraved professors 
residing m their towns." ^ Readers of Lawson and other narratives 
of the period will feel the force of the rebuke. 

Throughout the eighteenth century the Cherokee were engaged in 
chronic warfare with their Indian neighbors. As these quarrels con- 
cerned the whites but httle, however momentous they may have been 
to the principals, we have but few details. The war with the Tusca- 
rora continued until the outbreak of the latter tribe against Carolina 
in 1711 gave opportunity to the Cherokee to cooperate in striking the 
blow which drove the Tuscarora from their ancient homes to seek 
refuge in the North. The Cherokee then turned their attention to the 
Shawano on the Cinnberland, and with the aid of the Chickasaw finally 
expelled them from that region about the year 1715. Inroads upon 
the Catawba were probably kept up until the latter had become so far 
reduced by war and disease as to be mere dependent pensioners upon 
the whites. The former friendship with the Chickasaw was at last 
broken through the overbearing conduct of the Cherokee, and a war 
followed of which we find incidental notice in 1757,^ and which termi- 
nated in a decisive victory for the Chickasaw about 1768. The bitter 
war with the Iroquois of the far North continued, in spite of all the 
efforts of the Colonial governments, until a formal treaty of peace was 
brought about by the efforts of Sir WiUiam Johnson (12) in the same 
year. 

The hereditary war with the Creeks for possession of upper Georgia 
continued, with brief intervals of peace, or even alHance, until the 
United States finally interfered as mediator between the rival claim- 
ants. In 1718 we find notice of a large Cherokee war party moving 
against the Creek town of Coweta, on the lower Chattahoochee, but 
dispersing on learning of the presence there of some French and 
Spanish officers, as well as some English traders, all bent on arranging 
an aUiance with the Creeks. The Creeks themselves had declared 
their willingness to be at peace with the Enghsh, while still deter- 
mined to keep the bloody hatchet uplifted against the Cherokee.* 
The most important incident of the struggle between the two tribes 
was probably the battle of Tah'wa about the year 1755.^ 

By this time the weaker coast tribes had become practically extinct, 
and the more powerful tribes of the interior were beginning to take 

> Adair, American Indians, pp. 240-243, 1775; Stevens, W. B., History of Georgia, i, pp. 104-107; Phila., 
1847. 
' Anonymous writer in Carroll, Hist. Colls, of South Carolina, n, pp. 97-98, 517, 1836. 
» Buckle, Journal, 1757, in Rivers, South Carolina, p. 57, 1856. 

«Barcia, A. G., Ensayo Chronologico para la Historia General de la Florida, pp. 335, 336, Madrid, 1723, 
6 For more in regard to these intertribal wars see the historical traditions. 



154 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

the alarm, as they saw the restless borderers pushing every year 
farther into the Indian country. As early as 1748 Dr. Thomas 
Walker, with a company of hunters and woodsmen from Virginia, 
crossed the mountains to the southwest, discovering and naming the 
celebrated Cumberland Gap and passing on to the headwaters of 
Cumberland River. Two years later he made a second exploration 
and penetrated to Kentucky River, but on accoimt of the Indian 
troubles no permanent settlement was then attempted.* This inva- 
sion of their territory awakened a natural resentment of the native 
owners, and we find proof also in the Virginia records that the irre- 
sponsible borderers seldom let pass an opportunity to kill and plunder 
any stray Indian found in their neighborhood. 

In 1755 the Cherokee were officially reported to number 2,590 war- 
riors, as against probably twice that number previous to the great 
smallpox epidemic sixteen years before. Their neighbors and ancient 
enemies, the Catawba, had dwindled to 240 men.^ 

Although war was not formally declared by England until 1756, 
hostihties in the seven years' struggle between France and England, 
commonly known in America as the "French and Indian War," began 
in April, 1754, when the French seized a small post which the English 
had begun at the present site of Pittsburg, and which was afterward 
finished by the French under the name of Fort Du Quesne. Strenuous 
efforts were made by the EngUsh to secure the Cherokee to their 
interest against the French and their Indian alhes, and treaties were 
negotiated by which they promised assistance.^ As these treaties, 
however, carried the usual cessions of territory, and stipulated for 
the building of several forts in the heart of the Cherokee country, it 
is to be feared that the Indians were not duly impressed by the disin- 
terested character of the ]:)roceeding. Their preference for the French 
was but thinly veiled, and only immediate pohcy prevented them from 
throwing their whole force into the scale on that side. The reasons 
for this preference are given by Timberlake, the young Virginian 
officer who visited the tribe on an embassy of concihation a few years 
later: 

I found the nation mucli attached to the French, who have the prudence, by fa- 
miliar politeness — which costs but little and often does a great deal — and conforming 
themselves to their ways and temper, to conciliate the inclinations of almost all the 
Indians they are acquainted with, while the pride of our officers often disgusts them. 
Nay, they did not scruple to own to me that it was the trade alone that induced them 
to make peace with us, and not any preference to the French, whom they loved a 
great deal better. . . . The English are now so nigh, and encroached daily so far 
upon them, that they not only felt the bad effects of it in their hunting grounds, which 
were spoiled, but had all the reason in the world to apprehend being swallowed up by 
so potent neighbors or driven from the country inhabited by their fathers, in which 
they were born and brought up, in fine, their native soil, for which all men have a 
particular tenderness and affection. 

He adds that only dire necessity had induced them to make peace 
with the English in 1761.* 

In accordance with the treaty stipulations, Fort Prince George was 
built in 1756 adjoining the important Cherokee town of Keowee, on 
the headwaters of the Savannah, and Fort Loudon near the junction 

1 Walker, Thomas, Journal of an Exploration, etc., pp. 8, 35-37; Boston, 1888; Monette (Valley of the 
Miss. I, p. 317; New York, 18^8) erroneouslv makes the second date 1758. 

2 Letter of Governor Dobbs, 1755, in North Carolina Colonial Records, v. pp. 320, 321, 1887. 

3 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 50-52, 1853; Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethnology, 
p. 145, 1888. 

* Timberlalie, Henry, Memoirs, pp. 73^ 74; London, 1765, 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 155 

of Tellico River with the Little Tennessee, in the center of the Chero- 
kee towns beyond the mountains.*^ By special arrangement with 
the influential chief, Ata-kullakulla (Ata'-gul"kalu');^ Fort Dobbs was 
also built in the same year about 20 miles west of the present Salis- 
bury, North Carolina.^ 

The Cherokee had agreed to furnish four hundred warriors to 
cooperate against the French in the north, but before Fort Loudon 
had been completed it was very evident that they had repented of 
their promise, as their great council at Echota ordered the work 
stopped and the garrison on the way to turn back, plainly telling the 
officer in charge that they did not want so many white people among 
them. Ata-kullakulla, hitherto supposed to be one of the stanchest 
friends of the English, was now one of the most determined in the 
opposition. It was in evidence also that they were in constant com- 
munication with the French. By much tact and argument their 
objections were at last overcome for a time, and they very unwill- 
ingly set about raising the promised force of warriors. Major Andrew 
Lewis, who superintended the building of the fort, became convinced 
that the Cherokee were really friendly to the French, and that all 
their professions of friendship and assistance were "only to put a 
gloss on their knavery." The fort was finally completed, and, on 
his suggestion, was garrisoned with a strong force of two hundred men 
under Captain Demere.* There was strong ground for believing that 
some depredations committed about this time on the heads of 
Catawba and Broad Rivers, in North Carolina, were the joint work of 
Cherokee and northern Indians.^ Notwithstanding all this, a con- 
siderable body of Cherokee joined the British forces on the Virginia 
frontier.® 

Fort Du Quesne was taken by the American provincials under 
Washington, November 25, 1758. Quebec was taken September 13, 
1759, and by the final treaty of peace in 1763 the war ended with the 
transfer of Canada and the Ohio Valley to the Crown of England. 
Louisiana had already been ceded by France to Spain. 

Although France was thus eliminated from the Indian problem, the 
Indians themselves were not ready to accept the settlement. In the 
North the confederated tribes under Pontiac continued to war on their 
own account until 1765. In the South the very Cherokee who had 
acted as allies of the British against Fort Du Quesne, and had volun- 
tarily offered to guard the frontier south of the Potomac, returned 
to rouse their tribe to resistance. 

The immediate exciting cause of the trouble was an unfortunate 
expedition undertaken against the hostile Shawano in February, 1756, 
by Major Andrew Lewis (the same who had built Fort Loudon) with 
some two hundred Virginia troops assisted by about one hundred 
Cherokee. After six weeks of fruitless tramping through the woods, 
with the ground covered with snow and the streams so swollen by 
rains that the\ lost their provisions and ammunition in crossing, they 
were obhged to return to the settlements in a starving condition, hav- 

1 Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 51, 1853; Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rept. Bur. of Ethnology, 
p. 145, 1888. 

» For notice see AtS,'-giH"k21li', in the glossary. 

» Ramsey, op. cit., p. 50. 

* Letters of Major Andrew Lewis and Governor Dinwiddie, 1756, in North Carolina Colonial Records 
V, pp. 585, 612-614, 635, 637, 1887; Ramsey, op cit., pp. 51, 52. 

'Letter of Governor Dobbs, 1756, in North Carolina Colonial Records, V, p. 604, 1887. 

•Dinwiddie letter, 1757, ibid., p. 765. 



156 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

ing killed their horses on the way. The Indian contingent had from 
the first been disgusted at the contempt and neglect experienced from 
those whom they had come to assist. The Tuscarora and others had 
already gone home, and the Cherokee now started to return on foot 
to their own country. Finding some horses running loose on the 
range, they appropriated them, on the theory that as they had lost 
their own animals, to say nothing of having risked their lives, in the 
service of the colonists, it was only a fair exchange. The frontiers- 
men took another view of the question, however, attacked the return- 
ing Cherokee, and killed a number of them, variously stated at from 
twelve to forty, including several of their prominent men. Accord- 
ing to Adair they also scalped and mutilated the bodies in the savage 
fashion to which they had become accustomed in the border wars and 
brought the scalps into the settlements, where they were represented 
as those of French Indians and sold at the regular price then estab- 
lished by law. The young warriors at once prepared to take revenge, 
but were restrained by the chiefs until satisfaction could be demanded 
in the ordinary way, according to the treaties arranged with the 
colonial governments. Application was made in turn to Virginia, 
North Carolina, and South Carolina, but without success. While 
the women were still wailing night and morning for their slain kin- 
dred, and the Creeks were taunting the warriors for their cowardice 
in thus quietly submitting to the injury, some lawless officers of 
Fort Prince George committed an unpardonable outrage at the 
neighboring Indian town while most of the men were away hunting.^ 
The warriors could no longer be restrained. Soon there was news of 
attacks upon the back settlements of Carolina, while on the other 
side of the mountains two soldiers of the Fort Loudon garrison were 
kiUed. War seemed at hand. 

At this juncture, in November, 1758, a party of influential chiefs, 
having first ordered back a war party just about to set out from the 
western towns against the Carolina settlements, came down to Charles- 
ton and succeeded in arranging the difficulty upon a friendly basis. 
The assembly had officially declared peace with the Cherokee, when, in 
May of 1759, Governor Lyttleton unexpectedly came forward with a 
demand for the surrender Jor execution of every Indian who had killed 
a white man in the recent skirmishes, among these being the chiefs of 
Citico and Tellico. At the same time the commander at Fort Loudon, 
forgetful of the fact that he had but a small garrison in the midst of 
several thousands of restless savages, made a demand for twenty-four 
other chiefs whom he suspected of unfriendly action. To compel their 
surrender orders were given to stop all trading supplies intended for 
the upper Cherokee. 

This roused the whole nation, and a delegation representing every 
town came down to Charleston, protesting the desire of the Indians for 
peace and friendship, but declaring their inability to surrender their 
own chiefs. The governor replied by declaring war in November, 
1759, at once calling out troops and sending messengers to secure the 
aid of all the surrounding tribes against the Cherokee. In the mean- 
time a second delegation of thirty-two of the' most prominent men, 

I Adair, American Indians, 245-246, 1775; North Carolina Colonial Records, V, p. xlviii, 1887; Hewat, 
quoted in Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 54, 1853. 



INDIAN'S OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 157 

led by the young war chief Oconostota (Agan-stata)/ arrived to make 
a further effort for peace, but the governor, refusing to Hsten to thsm, 
siezed the whole party and confined them as prisoners at Fort Prince 
George, in a room large enough for only six soldiers, while at tha same 
time he set fourteen hundred troops in motion to invade the Cherokee 
country. On further representation by Ata-kullakulla (Ata'-gM'- 
kaltiO, the civil chief of the nation and well known as a friend of 
the English, the governor released Oconostota and two others after 
compelling some half dozen of the delegation to sign a paper by 
which they pretended to agree for their tribe to kill or seize any 
Frenchman entering their country, and cons anted to the imprison- 
ment of the party until all the warriors demanded had been surren- 
dered for execution or otherwise. At this stage of affairs the small- 
pox broke out in the Cherokee towns, rendering a further stay in 
their neighborhood unsafe, and thinking the whole matter now settled 
on his own basis, Lyttleton returned to Charleston. 

The event soon proved how little he knew of Indian temper. 
Oconostota at once laid siege to Fort Prince George, completely cut- 
ting off communication at a time when, as it was now winter, no help 
could well be expected from below. In February, 1760, after having 
kept the fort thus closely invested for some weeks, he sent word one 
day by an Indian woman that he wished to speak to the commander, 
Lieutenant Coytmore. As the lieutenant stepped out from the stock- 
ade to see what was wanted, Oconostota, standing on the opposite 
side of the river, swung a bridle above his head as a signal to his 
warriors concealed in the bushes, and the officer was at once shot 
down. The soldiers immediately broke into the room where the host- 
ages were confined, every one being a chief of prominence in the tribe, 
and butchered them to the last man. 

It was now war to the end. Led by Oconostota, the Cherokee 
descended upon the frontier settlements of Carolina, while the warriors 
across the mountains laid close siege to Fort Loudon. In June, 1760, 
a strong force of over 1,600 men, under Colonel Montgomery, started 
to reduce the Cherokee towns and relieve the beleaguered garrison. 
Crossing the Indian frontier, Montgomery quickly drove the enemy 
from about Fort Prince George and then, rapidly advancing, surprised 
Little Keowee, killing every man of the defenders, and destroyed in 
succession every one of the Lower Cherokee towns, burning them to 
the ground, cutting down the cornfields and orchards, killing and 
taking more than a hundred of their men, and driving the whole 
population into the mountains before him. His own loss was very 
slight. He then sent messengers to the Middle and Upper towns, 
summoning them to surrender on penalty of the like fate, but, receiv- 
ing no reply, he led his men across the divide to the waters of the 
Little Tennessee and continued down that stream without opposition 
until he came in the vicinity of Echoee (Itse'yl), a few miles above 
the sacred town of NIkwasI', the present Franklin, North Carolina. 
Here the Cherokee had collected their full force to resist his progress, 
and the result was a desperate engagement on June 27, 1760, by which 
Montgomery was compelled to retire to Fort Prince George, after 
losing nearly one hundred men in killed and wounded. The Indian 
loss is unknown. 

1 For notices see the glossary. 



158 ESTDIAFS OF ISTOETH CABOLINA. 

His retreat sealed the fate of Fort Loudon. The garrison, though 
hard pressed and reduced to the necessity of eating horses and dogs, 
had been enabled to hold out through the kindness of the Indian 
women, many of whom, having found sweethearts among the soldiers, 
brought them supplies of food daily. When threatened by the chiefs 
the women boldly replied that the soldiers were their husbands and it 
was their duty to help them, and that if any harm came to themselves 
for their devotion their English relatives would avenge them.^ The 
end was only delayed, however, and on August 8, 1760, the garrison 
of about two hundred men, under Captain Demere, surrendered to 
Oconostota on promise that they should be allowed to retire unmo- 
lested with their arms and sufficient ammunition for the march, on 
condition of delivering up all the remaining warlike stores. 

The troops marched out and proceeded far enough to camp for the 
night, while the Indians swarmed into the fort to see what plunder 
they might find. "By accident a discovery was made of ten bags of 
powder and a large quantity of ball that had been secretly buried in 
the fort to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands" (Hswat). 
It is said also that cannon, small arms, and ammunition had been 
thrown into the river with the same intention (Haywood) . Enraged 
at this breach of the capitulation the Cherokee attacked the soldiers 
next morning at daylight, killing Demere and twenty-nine others at 
the first fire. The rest were taken and held as prisoners until ran- 
somed some time after. The second officer, Captain Stuart, for 
whom the Indians had a high regard , was claimed by Ata-kullakuUa, 
who soon after took him into the woods, ostensibly on a hunting 
excursion, and conducted him for nine days through the wilderness 
until he delivered him safely into the hands of friends in Virginia. 
The chief's kindness was well rewarded, and it was largely through 
his influence that peace was finally brought about. 

It was now too late, and the settlements were too much exhausted, 
for another expedition, so the fall and winter were employed by the 
English in preparations for an active campaign the next year in force 
to crush out all resistance. In June, 1761, Colonel Grant with an 
army of 2,600 men, including a number of Chickasaw and almost 
every remaining warrior of the Catawba,^ set out from Fort Prince 
George. Refusing a request from Ata-kullakulla for a friendly accom- 
modation, he crossed Rabun Gap and advanced rapidly down the 
Little Tennessee along the same trail taken by the expedition of the 
previous year. On June 10, when within two miles of Montgomery's 
battlefield, he encountered the Cherokee, whom he defeated, although 
with considerable loss to himself, after a stubborn engagement lasting 
several hours. Having repulsed the Indians, he proceeded on his 
way, sending out detachments to the outlying settlements, until in 
the course of a month he had destroyed every one of the Middle 
towns, 15 in all, with all their granaries and cornfields, driven the 
inhabitants into the mountains, and "pushed the frontier seventy 
miles farther to the west." 

The Cherokee were now reduced to the greatest extremity. With 
some of their best towns in ashes, their fields and orchards wasted for 
two successive years, their ammunition nearly exhausted, many of 

1 Timberlake, Memoirs, p. 65, 1765. 

2 Catawba reference from Milligan, 1763, in Carroll, South Carolina Historical Collections, n, p. 519, 1836. 



INDIANS OF NOKTH CAEOLINA. 159 

their bravest warriors dead, their people fugitives in the mountains, 
hiding in caves and Uving Hke beasts upon roots or killing their horses 
for food, with the terrible scourge of smallpox adding to the miseries 
of starvation, and withal torn by factional differences which had 
existed from the very beginning of the war — it was impossible for 
even brave men to resist longer. In September Ata-kullakulla, who 
had all along done everything in. his power to stay the disaffection, 
came down to Charleston, a treaty of peace was made, and the war 
was ended. From an estimated population of at least 5,000 warriors 
some years before, the Cherokee had now been reduced to about 
2,300 men.^ 

In the meantime a force of Virginians under Colonel Stephen had 
advanced as far as the Great Island of the Holston — now Kingsport, 
Tennessee — where they were met by a large delegation of Cherokee, 
who sued for peace, which was concluded with them by Colonel 
Stephen on November 19, 1761, independently of what was being 
done in South Carolina. On the urgent request of the chief that an 
officer might visit their people for a short time to cement the new 
friendship, Lieutenant Henry Timberlake, a young Virginian who had 
already distinguished himself in active service, volunteered to return 
with them to their towns, where he spent several months. He after- 
ward conducted a delegation of chiefs to England, where, as they had 
come without authority from the Government, they met such an un- 
pleasant reception that they returned disgusted.^ 

On the conclusion of peace between England and France in 1763, by 
which the whole western territory was ceded to England, a great 
council was held at Augusta, which was attended by the chiefs and 
principal men of all the southern Indians, at which Captain John 
Stuart, superintendent for the southern tribes, together with the colo- 
nial governors of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- 
gia, explained fully to the Indians the new condition of affairs, and a 
treaty of mutual peace and friendship was concluded on November 10 
of that year.^ 

Under several leaders, as Walker, WaUen, Smith, and Boon, the tide 
of emigration now surged across the mountains in spite of every effort 
to restrain it,* and the period between the end of the Cherokee war 
and the opening of the Revolution is principally notable for a number 
of treaty cessions by the Indians, each in fruitless endeavor to fix a 
permanent barrier between themselves and the advancing wave of 
white settlement. Chief among these was the famous Henderson 
purchase in 1775, which included the whole tract between the Ken- 
tucky and Cumberland Rivers, embracing the greater part of the 
present State of Kentucky. By these treaties the Cherokee were 
shorn of practically all their ancient territorial claims north of the 
present Tennessee hne and east of the Blue Ridge and the Savannah, 
including much of their best hunting range; their home settlements 
were, however, left still in their possession.^ 

1 Figures from Adair, American Indians, p. 227, 1775. When not otherwise noted, this sketch of the 
Cherokee war of 1760-61 is compiled chiefly from the contemporary dispatches in the Gentleman's Magazine, 
supplemented from Hewat's Historical "Account of South Caroliua and Georgia, 17*8; with additional 
details from Adair, American Indians; Ramsey, Tennessee; Royce, Cherokee Nation; North Carolina 
Colonial Records, v., documents and introduction; etc. 

2 Timberlake, Memoirs, p. 9 et passim, 1765. 
a Stevens, Georgia, n, pp. 26-29, 1859. 

* Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 65-70, 1853. 

' Royce,' Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethnology, pp. 146-149, 1888. 



160 INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 

As one consequence of the late Cherokee war, a royal proclamation 
had been issued in 1763, with a view of checking future encroachments 
by the whites, which prohibited any private land purchases from the 
Indians, or any granting of warrants for lands west of the sources 
of the streams flowing into the Atlantic.^ In 1768, on the appeal of 
the Indians themselves, the British superintendent for the southern 
tribes. Captain John Stuart, had negotiated a treaty at Hard Labor, 
in South Carohna, by which Kanawha and New Rivers, along their 
whole course downward from the North Carohna hne, were fixed as 
the boundary between the Cherokee and the whites in that direction. 
In two years, however, so many borderers had crossed into the Indian 
country, where they were evidently determined to remain, that it was 
found necessary to substitute another treaty, by which the line was 
made to run due south from the mouth of the Kanawha to the Holston, 
thus cutting off from the Cherokee almost the whole of their hunting 
grounds in Virginia and West Virginia. Two years later, in 1772, 
the Virginians demanded a further cession, by which everything east 
of Kentucky River was surrendered; and finally, on March 17, 1775, 
the great Henderson purchase was consummated, including the whole 
tract between the Kentucky and Cumberland Rivers. By this last 
cession the Cherokee were at last cut off from Ohio River and aU their 
rich Kentucky hunting grounds.^ 

While these transactions were called treaties, they were reaUy 
forced upon the native proprietors, who resisted each in turn and 
finally signed only under protest and on most solemn assurances that 
no further demands would be made. Even before the purchases were 
made, intruders in large numbers had settled upon each of the tracts 
in question, and they refused to withdraw across the boundaries now 
established, but remained on one pretext or another to await a new 
adjustment. This was particularly the case on Watauga and upper 
Holston Rivers in northeastern Tennessee, where the settlers, finding 
themselves still within the Indian boundary and being resolved to 
remain, effected a temporary lease from the Cherokee in 1772. As 
was expected and intended, the lease became a permanent occupancy, 
the nucleus settlement of the future State of Tennessee.^ 

Just before the outbreak of the Revolution, the botanist, William 
Bartram, made an extended tour of the Cherokee country, and has left 
us a pleasant account of the hospitable character and friendly dispo- 
sition of the Indians at that time. He gives a fist of forty-three towns 
then inhabited by the tribe.* 

The opening of the great Revolutionary struggle in 1776 found the 
Indian tribes almost to a man ranged on the British side against the 
Americans. There was good reason for this. Since the fall of 
the French power the British Government had stood to them as the 
sole representative of authority, and the guardian and protector of 
their rights against constant encroaclmients by the American border- 
ers. Licensed British traders were resident in every tribe and many 
had intermarried and raised famihes among them, while the border 
man looked upon the Indian only as a cumberer of the earth. The 
British superintendents. Sir Wilham Johnson in the north and Captain 

1 Royce, Cherokee Nation, op. cit., p. 149; Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 71, 1853 

> Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 93-122; Royce, op. cit., pp. 146-149. 

» Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 109-122; Royce, op. cit., p. 146 et passim. 

« Bartram, Travels, pp. 366-372, 1792. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAKOLINA. 161 

John Stuart in the south, they knew as generous friends, while hardly 
a warrior of them all was without some old cause of resentment against 
their backwoods neighbors. They felt that the only barrier between 
themselves and national extinction was in the strength of the British 
Government, and when the final severance came they threw their 
whole power into the British scale. They were encouraged in this 
resolution by presents of clothing and other goods, with promises of 
plunder from the settlements and hopes of recovering a portion of their 
lost territories. The British Government having determined, as early 
as June, 1775, to call in the Indians against the Americans, supphes 
of hatchets, guns, and ammunition were issued to the warriors of all 
the tribes from the lakes to the gulf, and bounties were offered for 
American scalps brought in to the commanding officer at Detroit or 
Oswego.^ Even the Six Nations, who had agreed in solemn treaty to 
remain neutral, were won over by these persuasions. In August, 1775, 
an Indian "talk" was intercepted in which the Cherokse assured 
Cameron, the resident agent, that their warriors, enlisted in the 
service of the King, were ready at a signal to fall upon the back settle- 
ments of Carohna and Georgia.^ Circular letters were sent out to all 
those persons in the back country supposed to be of royahst sympa- 
thies, directing them to repair to Cameron's headquarters in the 
Cherokee country to join the Indians in the invasion of the settle- 
ments.^ 

In June, 1776, a British fleet under command of Sir Peter Parker, 
with a large naval and mihtary force, attacked Charleston, South 
Carolina, both by land and sea, and simultaneously a body of Chero- 
kee, led by Tories in Indian disguise, came down from the mountains 
and ravaged the exposed frontier of South Carohna, kilhng and burn- 
ing as they went. After a gallant defense by the garrison at Charles- 
ton the British were repulsed, whereupon their Indian and Tory 
aUies withdrew.* 

About the same time the warning came from Nancy Ward, a 
noted friendly Indian woman of great authority in the Cherokee 
Nation, that seven hundred Cherokee warriors were advancing in two 
divisions against the Watauga and Holston settlements, with the 
design of destrojring everything as far up as New River. The Holston 
men from both sides of the Virginia line hastily collected under 
Captain Thompson and marched against the Indians, whom they met 
and defeated with signal loss after a hard-fought battle near the Long 
Island in the Holston (Kingsport, Tennessee), on August 20. The 
next day the second division of the Cherokee attacked the fort at 
Watauga, garrisoned by only forty men under Captain James Robert- 
son, but was repulsed without loss to the defenders, the Indians 
withdrawing on news of the result at the Long Island. A Mrs. Bean 
and a boy named Moore were captured on this occasion and carried to 
one of the Cherokee towns in the neighborhood of Tellico, where the 
boy was burned, but the woman, alter she had been condemned to 
death and everything was in readiness for the tragedy, was rescued by 
the interposition of Nancy Ward. Two other Cherokee detachments 

1 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 143-150, 1853; Monette, Valley of the Mississippi, I, pp. 400, 401, 431, 432, and 
n, pp. 33, 34, 1846; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 27&-281, and n, pp. 1-6, 1SS9. 

2 Ramsey, op. cit., p. 143. 

3 Quoted from Stedman, in Ramsey, op. cit., p. 162. 
* Ramsey, op. cit., p. 162. 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 11 



162 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

moved against the upper settlements at the same time. One of these, 
finding all the inhabitants securely shut up in forts, returned without 
doing much damage. The other ravaged the country on Clinch Kiver 
almost to its head, and killed a man and wounded others at Black's 
station, now Abingdon, Virginia.^ 

At the same time that one part of the Cherokee were raiding the 
Tennessee settlements others came down upon the frontiers of Caro- 
lina and Georgia. On the upper Catawba they killed many peopls, 
but the whites took refuge m the stockade stations, where tney 
defended themselves until General Rutherford came to their 
relief. In Georgia an attempt had been made by a small party of 
Americans to seize Cameron, who lived in one of the Cherokee towns 
with his Indian wife, but, as was to have been expected, the Indians 
interfered, killing several of theparty and capturing others, who were 
afterward tortured to death. Tlie Cherokee of the Upper and Middle 
towns, with some Creeks and Tories of the vicinity, led by Cameron 
himself, at once began ravaging the South Carolina border, burning 
houses, driving off cattle, and killing men, women, and children 
without distinction, until the whole country was in a wild panic, the 
people abandoning their farms to seek safety in the garrisoned forts. 
On one occasion an attack by two hundred of the enemy, half of 
them bein^' Tories, stripped and painted like Indians, was repulsed 
by the timely arrival oi a body of^ Americans, who succeeded in cap- 
turing thirteen of the Tories. The invasion extended into Georgia, 
where also property was destroyed and the inhabitants were driven 
from their homes. ^ 

Realizing their common danger, the border States determined to 
strike such a concerted blow at the Cherokee as should render them 
passive while the struggle with England continued. In accord with 
this plan of cooperation the frontier forces were quickly mobilized and 
in the summer of 1776 four expeditions were equipped from Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to enter the Cherokee 
territory simultaneously from as many different directions. 

In August of that year the army of North Carolina, 2,400 strong, 
under General Griffith Rutherford, crossed the Blue Ridge at Swan- 
nanoa Gap, and following the main trail almost along the present line 
of the railroad, struck the first Indian town, Stika'yl, or Stecoee, on 
the Tuckasegee, near the present Whittier. The inhabitants having 
fled, the soldiers burned the town, together with an unfinished town- 
house ready for the roof, cut down the standing corn, kiUed one or 
two straggling Indians and then proceeded on their mission of destruc- 
tion. Every town upon Oconaluftee, Tuckasegee, and the upper 
part of Little Tennessee, and on Hiwassee to below the junction of 
Valley River — thirty-six towns in aU — was destroyed in turn, the corn 
cut down or trampled under the hoofs of the stock driven into the 
fields for that purpose, and the stock itself killed or carried off. 
Before such an overwhelming force, supplemented as it was by three 
others simultaneously advancing from other directions, the Cherokee 
made but poor resistance, and fled with their women and children 
into the fastnesses of the Great Smoky Mountains, leaving their 
desolated fields and smoking towns behind them. As was usual in 

1 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 150-159, 1853. 

» Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 293-297, 1889. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA, 163 

Indian wars, the actual number killed or taken was small, but the 
destruction of property was beyond calculation. At Sugartown 
(Kulsetsi'yl, east of the present Franklin) one detachment, sent to 
destro}^ it, was surprised, and escaped only through the aid of another 
force sent to its rescue. Rutherford, himself, while proceeding to the 
destruction of the Hiwassee towns, encountered the Indians drawn 
up to oppose his progress in the Waya Gap of the Nantahala Moun- 
tains, and one of the hardest fights of the campaign resulted, the 
soldiers losing over forty killed and wounded, although the Cherokee 
were finally repulsed. One of the Indians killed on this occasion was 
afterwards discovered to be a woman, painted and armed like a 
warrior.^ 

On September 26 the South Carolina army, 1,860 strong, under 
Colonel Andrew WiUiamspn, and including a number of Catawba 
Indians, effected a junction with Rutherford's forces on Hiwassee 
River, near the present Murphj^, North Carolina. It had been 
expected that Williamson would join the northern army at Cowee, 
on the Little Tennessee, when they would proceed together against 
the western towns, but he had been delayed, and the work of destruc- 
tion in that direction was already completed, so that after a short 
rest each army returned home along the route by which it had come. 

The South Carolina men had centered by different detachments in 
the lower Cherokee towns about the head of Savannah River, burning 
one town after another, cutting down the peach trees and ripened 
corn, and having an occasional brush with the Cherokee, who hung 
constantly upon their flanks. At ths town of Seneca, near which they 
encountered Cameron with his Indians and Tories, they had destroyed 
six thousand bushels of corn, besides other food stores, after burning 
all the houses, the Indians having retreated after a stout resistance. 
The most serious encounter had taken place at Tomassee, where 
several whites and sixteen Cherokee were killed, the latter being all 
scalped afterwards. Having completed the ruin of the Lower towns, 
WiUiamson had crossed over Rabun Gap and descended into the 
valley of the Little Tennessee to cooperate with Rutherford in the 
destruction of the Middle and Valley t©wns. As the army advanced 
every house in every settlement met was burned — ninety houses in 
one settlement alone — and detachments were sent into the fields 
to destroy the corn, of which the smallest town was estimated to 
have two hundred acres, besides potatoes, beans, and orchards of 
peach trees. The stores of dressed deerskins and other valuables 
were carried off. Everything was swept clean, and the Indians who 
were not kiUed or taken were driven, homeless refugees, into the 
dark recesses of Nantahala or painfully made their way across to the 
Overhill towns in Tennessee, wnich were already menaced by another 
invasion from the north.- 

In July, while Williamson was engaged on the upper Savannah, 
a force of two hundred Georgians, under Colonel Samuel Jack, had 
marched in the same direction and succeeded in burning two towns on 

1 See No. 110, "Incidents of Personal Herosim." For Rutherford's expedition, see Moore, Rutherford's 
Expedition, in North Carolina University Magazine, February, 1888; Swain, Sketch of the Indian War 
in 1776, ibid., May, 1852, reprinted in Historical Magazine, November, 1867; Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 164, 
1853; Roosevelt, Winnmg the West, I, pp. 294-302, 1889, etc. 

2 For WOliamson's expedition see Ross Journal, with Rockwell's notes, in Historical Magazine, October, 
1876; Swain, Sketch of the Indian War in 1776, in North Carolina University Magazine for May, 1852, 
reprinted in Historical Magazine, November, 1867; Jones, Georgia, n, p. 246 et passim, 1883; Ramsey, Ten- 
lessee, 163-164, 1853; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, i, pp. 296-303, 1889. 



164 INDIAISrS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

the heads of Chattahoochee and Tugaloo Rivers, destroying the com 
and driving off the cattle, without the loss of a man, the Cherokee 
having apparently fallen back to concentrate for resistance in the 
mountains.^ 

The Virginia army, about two thousand strong, under Colonel 
William Christian, rendezvoused in August at the Long Island of 
the Holston, the regular gathering place on the Tennessee side of 
the mountains. Among them were several hundred men from North 
Carolina, with all who could be spared from the garrisons on the 
Tennessee side. Paying but little attention to small bodies of Indi- 
ans, who tried to divert attention or to dela}'^ progress by flank attacks, 
they advanced steadily, but cautiously, along the great Indian war- 
path toward the crossing of the French Broad, where a strong 
force of Cherokee was reported to be in waiting to dispute their pas- 
sage. Just before reaching the river tlie Indians sent a Tory trader 
with a flag of truce to discuss terms. Knowing that his own strength 
was overwhelming, Christian allov/ed the envoy to go through the 
whole camp and then sent him back with the message that there could 
be no terms until the Cherokee towns had been destroyed. Arriving 
at the ford, he kindled fires and made all preparations as if intending 
to camp there for several days. As soon as night fell, however, he 
secretly drew off half his force and crossed the river lower down, to 
come upon the Indians in their rear. This was a work of great diffl- 
culty, as the water was so deep that it came up almost to the shoulders 
of the men, while the current was so rapid that they were obliged to 
support each other four abreast to prevent being swept off their feet. 
However, they kept their guns and powder dry. On reaching the 
other side they were surprised to find no enemy. Disheartened at the 
strength of the invasion, the Indians had fled without even a show of 
resistance. It is probable that nearly all their men and resources had 
been drawn off to oppose the Carolina forces on their eastern border, 
and the few who remained felt themselves unequal to the contest. 

Advancmg without opposition. Christian reached the towns on 
Little Tennessee early in November, and, finding them deserted, pro- 
ceeded to destroy them, one after another, with their outlying fields. 
The few lingering warriors discovered were all killed. In the mean- 
time messages had been sent out to the farther towns, in response to 
which several of their head men came into C^hristian's camp to treat 
for peace. On their agreement to surrender all the prisoners and 
captured stock in their hands and to cede to the whites all the disputed 
territory occupied by the Tennessee settlements, as soon as represent- 
atives of the whole tribe could be assembled in the spring. Christian 
consented to suspend hostilities and retire without doing further 
injury. An exception was made against Tuskegee and another town, 
which had been concerned in the burning of the boy taken from 
Watauga, already noted, and these two were reduced to ashes. The 
sacred "peace town," Echota, had not been molested. Most of the 
troops were disbanded on their return to the Long Island, but a 
part remained and built Fort Patrick Henry, where they went into 
winter quarters.^ 

1 Jones, op. cit., p. 246; Ramsey, op. cit., p. 163; Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 295. 

2 For the Virginia-Tennessee expedition see Roosevelt, Winnint; of the West, i, pp. 303-305, 18S9; Ramsey, 
Tennessee, pp. 165-170, 1853. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 165 

From incidental notices in narratives written by some of the partici- 
pants we obtain interesting side lights on the merciless character of this 
old border warfare. In addition to the ordinary destruction of war — 
the burning of towns, the wasting of fruitful fields, and the killing of 
the defenders — we find that every Indian warrior killed was scalped, 
when opportunity permitted; women, as well as men, were shot down 
and afterward "helped to their end"; and prisoners taken were put 
up at auction as slaves when not killed on the spot. Near Tomassee 
a small party of Indians was surrounded and enthely cut off. "Six- 
teen were found dead in the valley when the battle ended. These 
our men scalped." In a personal encounter — 

a stout Indian engaged a sturdy young white man, who was a good bruiser and 
expert at gouging. After breaking their guns on each other they laid hold of one 
another, when the cracker had his thumbs instantly in tiie fellow's eyes, who roared 
and cried "canaly" — enough, in EngHsh. "Damn you," says the white man, "you 
can never have enough while you are alive." He then threw him down, set his foot 
upon his head, and scalped Mm alive ; then took up one of the broken guns and knocked 
out his brains. It would have been fun if he had let the latter action alone and sent 
him home without his nightcap, to tell his countrymen how he had been treated. 

Later on some of the same detachment (Williamson's), seeing a 
woman ahead, fired on her and brought her down with two serious 
wounds, but yet able to speak. After getting what information 
she could give them, through a hah-breed interpreter, "the informer 
being unable to travel, some of our men favored her so far that they 
killed her there, to put her out of pain." A few days later "a party 
of Colonel Thomas's regiment, being on a hunt of plunder, or some 
such thing, found an Indian squaw and took her prisoner; she being 
lame, was unable to go with her friends. She was so suUen that she 
would, as an old saying is, neither lead nor drive, and by their account 
she died in their hands; but I suppose they helped her to her end." 
At this place — on the Hiwassee — they found a large town, having 
"upwards of ninety houses, and large quantities of corn," and "we 
encamped among the corn, where we had a great plenty of corn, peas, 
beans, potatoes, and hogs," and on the next day "we were ordered 
to assemble in companies to spread through the town to destroy, 
cut down, and burn all the vegetables belonging to our heathen 
enemies,, which was no small undertaking, they being so plentifully 
supphed." Continuing to another town, "we engaged in our former 
labor, that is, cutting and destroying all things that might be of 
advantage to our enemies. Finding here curious builcUngs, great 
apple trees, and whit.e-man-like improvements, these we destroyed." ^ 

While crossing over the mountains Rutherford's men approached a 
house belonging to a trader, when one of his negro slaves ran out and 
"was shot by the Reverend James IlaU, the chaplain, as he ran, mis- 
taking him for an Indian." ^ Soon after they captured two women 
and a boy. It was proposed to auction them off at once to the highest 
bidder, and when one of the officers protested that the matter should 
be left to the disposition of Congress, "the greater part swore bloodily 
that if they were not sold for slaves upon the spot they would kiU and 
scalp them immediately." The prisoners were accordingly sold for 
about twelve hundred dollars.^ 

1 Ross Journal, in Historical Magazine, October, 1867. 

2 Swain, Sketch of the Indian War of 1776, in Historical Magazine, November, 1867. 
8 Moore's narrative, in North Carolina University Magazine, February, 1888. 



166 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

At the Wolf Hills settlement, now Abingdon, Virginia, a party 
sent out from the fort returned with the scalps of eleven warriors. 
Having recovered the books which their minister had left behind in 
his oabin, they held a service of prayer for their success, after which 
the fresh scalps were hung upon a pole above the gate of the fort. 
The barbarous custom of scalping to which the border men had 
become habituated in the earlier wars was practiced upon every 
occasion when opportunity presented, at least upon the bodies of 
warriors, and the South CaroHna Legislature offered a bounty of 
seventy-five pounds for every warrior's scalp, a higher reward, how- 
ever, being offeied for prisoners.^ In spite of all the bitterness which 
the war aroused there seems to be no record of any scalping of Tories 
or other whites by the Americans, 

The effect upon the Cherokee of this irruption of more than six 
thousand armed enemies into their territory was well nigh paralyzing. 
More than fifty of their towns had been burned, their orchards cut 
down, their fields wasted, their cattle and horses killed or driven off, 
their stores of buckskin and other personal property plundered. 
Hundreds of their people had been killed or had died of starvation 
and exposure, others were prisoners in the hands of the Americans, 
and some had been sold into slavery. Those who had escaped were 
fugitives in the mountains, hving upon acorns, chestnuts, and wild 
game, or were refugees with the British.^ From the Virginia fine to 
the Chattahoochee the chain of destruction was complete. For the 
present, at least, any further resistance was hopeless, and they were 
compelled to sue for peace. 

By a treaty concluded at De Witts Corners in South Carolina on 
May 20, 1777, the first ever made with the new States, the Lower 
Cherokee surrendered to the conqueror all of their remaining terri- 
tory in South CaroUna, excepting a narrow strip along the western 
boundary. Just two months later, on July 20, by treaty at the Long 
Island, as had been arranged by Christian in the preceding fall, the 
Middle and Upper Cherokee ceded everything east of the Blue Ridge, 
together with all the disputed territory on the Watauga, Nolichucky, 
upper Holston, and New Rivers. By this second treaty also Captain 
James Robertson was appointed agent for the Cherokee, to reside 
at Echota, to watch their movements, recover any captured property, 
and prevent their correspondence with persons unfriendly to the 
American cause. As the Federal Government was not yet in perfect 
operation, these treaties were negotiated by commissioners from 
the four States adjoining the Cherokee country, the territory thus 
acquired being parceled out to South CaroHna, North CaroHna, and 
Tennessee.^ 

While the Cherokee Nation had thus been compelled to a treaty of 
peace, a very considerable portion of the tribe was irreconcilably hos- 
tile to the Americans and refused to be a party to the late cessions, 
especially on the Tennessee side. Although Ata-kullakulla sent word 
that he was ready with five hundred young warriors to fight for the 
Americans against the EngHsh or Indian enemy whenever called upon, 

1 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, i, pp. 285, 290, 303, 1889. 

2 About five hundred sought refuge with Stuart, the British Indian superintendent in Florida, where 
they were fed for some time at the expense of the British Government (Jones, Georgia, ii, p. 246, 18S3). 

3 Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 150 and map, 1888; Ramsey, 
Temiessee, pp. 172-174, 1853; Stevens, Georgia, n, p. 144, 1859; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, i, p, 
306, 1889. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 167 

Dragging-canoe (Tsiyu-gtinsi'nl), who had led the opposition against 
the Watauga settlements, declared that he would hold fast to Cam- 
eron's talk and continue to make war upon those who had taken his 
hunting grounds. Under his leadership some hundreds of the most 
warlike and implacable warriors of the tribe, with their families, 
drew out from the Upper and ^'liddle towns and moved far down upon 
Tennessee River, where they estabhshed new settlements on Chick- 
amauga Creek, in the neighborhood of the present Chattanooga. 
The locality appears to have been already a rendezvous for a sort of 
Indian banditti, who sometimes plundered boats disabled in the 
rapids at this point while descending the river. Under the name 
''Chickamaugas" they soon became noted for their uncompromising 
and never-ceasing hostility. In 1782, in consequence of the destruc- 
tion of their towns by Sevier and Campbell, they abandoned this 
location and moved farther down the river, where they built what 
were afterwards known as the ''five lower towns," viz. Running Water, 
Nickajack, Long Island, Crow town, and Lookout Mountain town. 
These were all on the extreme western Cherokee frontier, near where 
Tennessee River crosses the State line, the first three being within 
the present limits of Tennessee, while Lookout Mountain town and 
Crow town were, respectively, in the adjacent corners of Georgia and 
Alabama. Their population was recruited from Creeks, Shawano, and 
white Tories until they were estimated at a thousand warriors. 
Here they remained, a constant thorn in the side of Tennessee, until 
their towns were destroyed in 1794.^ 

The expatriated Lower Cherokee also removed to the farthest west- 
ern border of their tribal territory, where they might hope to be 
secure from encroachment for a time at least, and built new towns for 
themselves on the upper waters of the Coosa. Twenty years after- 
ward Hawkins found the population of Willstown, in extreme western 
Georgia, entirely made up of refugees from the Savannah, and the 
children so famihar from their parents with stories of Williamson's 
invasion that they ran screaming from the face of a white man.^ 

In April, 1777, the Legislature of North Carohna, of which Tennes- 
see was still a part, authorized bounties of land in the new territory 
to all able-bodied men who should volunteer against the remaining 
hostile Cherokee. Under this act companies of rangers were kept 
along the exposed border to cut off raiding parties of Indians and to 
protect the steady advance of the pioneers, with the result that the 
Tennessee settlements enjoyed a brief respite and M'ere even able to 
send some assistance to their bretliren in Kentucky, who were sorely 
pressed by the Shawano and otiier northern tribes.^ 

The war between England and the colonies still continued, how- 
ever, and the British Government was unremitting in its effort to 
secure the active assistance of the Indians. With the Creelcs raiding 
the Georgia and South Carohna frontier, and with a British agent, 
Colonel Brown, and a number of Tory refugees regularly domiciled 
at Chickamauga,* it was impossible for the Cherokee long to remain 

1 Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 171-177, 185-1S6, 610 et passim; Royce, op. cit., p. 150; Campbell letter, 1782, 
and other documents in Virginia State papers, in, pp. 271, 571, 599, 1883, and iv, pp. 118, 286, 1S81; Blount 
letter, January 11, 1793, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, i, p. 431, 1832. Campbell says they 
abandoned their first location on account of the invasion from Tennessee. Governor Blount says they 
left on account of witches. 

2 Ilawkms, manuscript journal, 1796, with Georgia Historical Society. 

3 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 174-178, 1853. 

< Campbell letter, 1782, Vii-ginia State Papers, in, p. 271, 1883. 



168 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

q^uiet. In the spring of 1779 the warning came from Robertson, sta- 
tioned at Echota, that three hundred warriors from Chickamauga had 
started against the back settlements of North Carohna. Without a 
day's delay the States of North Carolina (including Tennessee) and 
Virginia united to send a strong force of volunteers against them under 
command of Colonels Shelby and Montgomery. Descending the Hol- 
ston in April in a fleet of canoes built for the occasion, they took the 
Chickamauga towns so completely by surprise that the few warriors 
remaining fled to the mountains without attempting to give battle. 
Several were killed, Chickamauga and the outlying villages were 
burned, twenty thousand bushels of corn were destroyed, and large 
numbers of horses and cattle were captured, together with a great 
quantity of goods sent by the British Governor Hamilton at Detroit 
for distribution to the Indians. The success of this expedition frus- 
trated the execution of a project by Hamilton for uniting all the 
northern and southern Indians, to be assisted by British regulars, in 
a concerted attack along the whole American frontier. On learning, 
through runners, of the blow that had befallen them, the Chickamauga 
warriors gave up all idea of invading the settlements and returned 
to their wasted villages.^ They, as well as the Creeks, however, kept 
in constant communication with the British commander in Savannah. 
In this year also a delegation of Cherokee visited the Ohio towns to 
offer condolences on the death of the noted Delaware chief, White- 
eyes.^ 

In the early spring of 1780 a large company of emigrants under 
Colonel John Donelson descended the Holston and the Tennessee to 
the Ohio, whence they ascended the Cumberland, effected a junction 
with another party under Captain James Robertson, which had just 
arrived by a toilsome overland route, and made the first settlement 
on the present site of NashviUe. In passing the Chickamauga 
towns they had run the gauntlet of the hostile Cherokee, who pur- 
sued them for a considerable distance beyond the whirlpool known 
as the Suck, where the river breaks through the mountain. The 
family of a man named Stuart being infected with the smallpox, 
his boat dropped behind, and all on board, twenty-eight in number, 
were IdUed or taken by the Indians, their cries being distinctly 
heard by their friends ahead who were unable to help them. Another 
boat having run upon the rocks, the three women in it, one of whom 
had become a mother the night before, threw the cargo into the 
river, and then, jumping into the water, succeeded in pushing the 
boat into the current while the husband of one of them kept the 
Indians at bay with his rifle. The infant was Idlled in the confusion. 
Three cowards attempted to escape, without thought of their com- 
panions. One was drowned in the river; the other two were captured 
and carried to Chickamauga, where one was burned and the other 
was ransomed by a trader. The rest went on their way to found 
the capital of a new commonwealth.^ As if in retributive justice, 
the smallpox broke out in the Chickamauga Band in consequence of 
the capture of Stuart's family, causing the death of a great number.* 

' Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 186-188; Roosevelt,, Winning of the West, ii, pp. 236-238, 1889. Ramsey's state- 
ments, chiefly on Haywood's authority, of the strength of the expedition, the number of warriors killed, 
etc., are so evidently overdrawn that they are here omitted. 

2 Heckewclder, Indian Nations, p. 327, "reprint of 1876. 

3 Donelson 's Journal, etc., in Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 197-203, 1853; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, 
II, pp. 324-310, 1889. 

abid., II, p. 337. 



rNT>IAN"S OF NOKTH CAEOLIITA. 169 

The British having reconquered Georgia and South Carohna and 
destroyed all resistance in the south, early in 1780 CornwaUis, with 
his subordinates, Ferguson and the merciless Tarleton, prepared to 
invade North Carohna and sweep the country northward to Virginia. 
The .Creeks under McGilhvray, and a number of the Cherokee 
under various local chiefs, together with the Tories, at once joined 
his standard. 

While the Tennessee backwoodsmen were gathered at a barbecue 
to contest for a shooting prize, a paroled prisoner brought a demand 
from Ferguson for their submission; with the threat, if they refused, 
that he would cross the mountains, hang their leaders, kill every man 
found in arms, and burn every settlement. Up to this time the 
mountain men had confuied their effort to holding in check the 
Indian enemy, but now, with the fate of the Revolution at stake, 
they felt that the time for wider action had come. They resolved 
not to await the attack, but to anticipate it. Without order or 
authority from Congress, without tents, commissary, or supphes, 
the Indian fighters of Virginia, North Carohna, and Tennessee 
quickly assembled at the Sycamore shoals of the Watauga to the 
number of about one thousand men under Campbell, of Virginia, 
Sevier and Shelby, of Tennessee, and McDowell, of North Carohna. 
Crossing the mountains, they met Ferguson at Ejings Mountain in 
South Carolina on October 7, 1780, and gained the decisive victory 
that turned the tide of the Revolution in the South. ^ 

It is in place here to quote a description of these men in buckskin, 
white by blood and tradition, but hah Indian in habit and instinct, 
who, in half a century of continuous conflict, drove back Creeks, 
Cherokee, and Shawano, and with one hand on the plow and the 
other on the rifle redeemed a wilderness and carried civihzation and 
free government to the banks of the Mississippi. 

They were led by leader? they trusted, they were wonted to Indian warfare, they 
were skilled as horsemen and marksmen, they knew how to face every kind of danger, 
hardsliip, and privation. Their fringed and tasseled hunting sliirts were girded by 
bead-worked belts, and the trappings of their horses were stained red and j-^llow. 
On their heads they wore caps of coon skin or mink skin, with the tails hanging down, 
or else felt hats, in each of which was thrust a bucktail or a sprig of evergi-een. Every 
man carried a small-bore rifle, a tomahawk, and a scalping knife. A very few of the 
officers had swords, and there was not a bayonet nor a tent in the army.^ 

To strike the blow at Kings Mountain the border men had been 
forced to leave their own homes unprotected. Even before they 
could cross the mountains on their return the news came that the 
Cherokee were again out in force for the destruction of the upper 
settlements, and their numerous small bands were kiUing, burning, 
and plundering in the usual Indian fashion. Without loss of time 
the Holston settlements of Virginia and Tennessee at once raised 
seven hundred mounted riflemen to march against the enemy, the 
command being assigned to Colonel Arthur CampbeU, of Virginia, 
and Colonel John Sevier, of Tennessee. 

Sevier started first with nearly three hundred men, going south 
along the great Indian war trail and driving smaU parties of the 
Cherokee before him, until he crossed the French Broad and came 
upon seventy of them on Boyds Creek, not far from the present 
Sevierville, on December 16, 1780. Ordering his men to spread out 

1 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, U, pp. 241-294, 1889; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 208-249, 1853 

2 Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 256. 



170 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

into a half circle, he sent ahead some scouts, who, by an attack 
and feigned retreat, managed to draw the Indians into the trap 
thus prepared, with the result that they left thirteen dead and all 
their plunder, while not one of the whites was even wounded.^ 

A. few days later Sevier was joined by Campbell with the remainder 
of the force. Advancing to the Little Tennessee with but slight 
resistance, they crossed three miles below Echota while the Indians 
were watching for them at the ford above. Then dividing into two 
bodies, they proceeded to destroy the towns along the river. The 
chiefs sent peace talks through Nancy Ward, the Cherokee woman 
who had so befriended the whites in 1776, but to these overtures 
Campbell returned an evasive answer until he could first destroy 
the towns on lower Hiwassee, whose warriors had been particularly 
hostile. Continuing southward, the troops destroyed these towns, 
Hiwassee and Chestuee, with all theh stores of provisions, finishing 
the work on the last day of the year. The Indians had fled before 
them, keeping spies out to watch their movements. One of these, 
while giving signals from a ridge by beating a drum, was shot by the 
whites. The soldiers lost only one man, who was buried in an Indian 
cabin which was then burned down to conceal the trace of the inter- 
ment. The return march was begun on New Year's day. Ten prin- 
cipal towns, includmg Echota, the capital, had been destroyed, besides 
several smaller villages, containing in the aggregate over one thousand 
houses and not less than fifty thousand bushels of corn and large 
stores of other provision. Everything not needed on the return 
march was committed to the flames or otherwise wasted. Of all the 
towns west of the mountains only Talassee, and one or two about 
Chickamauga or on the headwaters of the Coosa, escaped. The 
whites had lost onl}^ one man Idlled and two wounded. Before the 
return a proclamation was sent to the Cherokee chiefs, warning them 
to make peace on penalty of a worse visitation. ^ 

SDme Cherokee who met them at Echota, on the return march, to 
talk of peace, brought in and surrendered several white prisoners.^ 
One reason for the slight resistance made by the Indians was prob- 
ably the fact that at the very time of the invasion many of their 
warriors were away, raidmg on the Upper Holston and in the neigh- 
borhood of Cumberland Gap.* 

Although the Upper or Overhill Cherokee were thus humbled, 
those of the middle towns, on the headwaters of Little Tennessee, 
still continued to send out parties against the back settlements. 
Sevier determined to make a sudden stroke upon them, and early in 
March of the same year, 1781, with 150 picked horsemen, he started to 
cross the Great Smoky Mountains over trails never before attempted 
by white men, and so rough in places that it was hardly possible to 
lead horses. Falling unexpectedly upon Tuckasegee, near the present 
Webster, North Carolina, he took the town completely by surprise, 
Idlling several warriors and capturmg a number of women and chil- 
dren. Two other principal towns and three smaller settlements were 

1 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, ii, pp. 298-300, 1889; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 261-204, 1853. There is 
great discrepancy ia the various accounts ol this fight, from the attempts of interested historians to magnify 
the size of the victory. One writer gives the Indians 1 ,000 warriors. Here, as elsewhere, Roosevelt is a 
more relialJe guide, his statements lieing usually from official documents. 

2 Roosevelt, op. cit., pp. 300-304; Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 265-268; Campbell, report, January 15, 1781, in 
Virginia State Papers, i, p. 436. Haywood and others after him make the expedition go as far as Chicka- 
mauga and Coosa River, but Campbell's report expressly denies this. 

3 Ramsey, op. cit., p. 266. 

• Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 302. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLHSTA. 171 

taken in the same way, with a quantity of provision and about 200 
horses, the Indians being entirely off their guard and unprepared to 
make any effective resistance. Having spread destruction through 
the middle towns, with the loss to himself of only one man killed and 
another wounded, he was off again as suddenly as he had come, mov- 
ing so rapidly that he was well on his homeward way before the 
Cherokee could gather for pursuit.^ At the same time a smaller Ten- 
nessee expedition went out to disperse the Indians who had been 
making headquarters in the mountains about Cumberland Gap and 
harassing travelers along the road to Kentucky.^ Numerous indiT:a- 
tions of Indians were found, but none were met, although the country 
was scoured for a considerable distance.^ In summer the Cherokee 
made another mcursion, this time upon the new settlements on the 
French Broad, near the present Newport, Temiessee. With a hundred 
horsemen Sevier fell suddenly upon their camp on Indian Creek, 
killed a dozen warriors, and scattered the rest.^ By these successive 
blows the Cherokee were so worn out and dispirited that they were 
forced to sue for peace, and in midsummei of 1781 a treaty of peace — • 
doubtful though it might be — was negotiated at the Long Island of 
the Holston.^ The respite came just in time to allow the Tennes- 
seeans to send a detachment against CornwaUis. 

Although there was truce in Tennessee, there was none in the South. 
In November of this year the Cherokee made a sudden inroad upon 
the Georgia settlements, destroying everything in theh way. In 
retaliation a force under General Pickens marched into their country, 
destroying their towns as far as Valley River. Findmg further prog- 
ress blocked by heavy snows and learning through a prisoner that the 
Indians, who had retired before him, were coUecting to oppose him m 
the mountains, he withdrew, as he says, " through absolute necessity," 
having accomplished very little of the result expected. Shortly after- 
wards the Cherokee, together with some Creeks, agaiu invaded Georgia, 
but were met on Oconee River and driven back by a detachment of 
American troops.® 

The Overhdl Cherokee, on lower Little Tennessee, seem to have 
been trying in good faith to hold to the peace estabhshed at the Long 
island. Early in 1781 the Government land office had been closed 
to further entries, not to be opened agaiu until peace had been de- 
clared with England, but the borderers paid httle attention to the law 
in such matters, and the rage for speculation in Tennessee lands grew 
stronger daily.^ In the fall of 1782 the chief. Old Tassel of Echota, 
on behaK of all the friendly chiefs and towns, sent a pathetic talk to 
the governors of Virginia and North Carolina, complaining that in 
spite of all their efforts to remain quiet the settlers were constantly 
encroaching upon them, and had built houses within a day's walk of 
the Cherokee towns. They asked that all those whites who had 
settled beyond the boundary last established should be removed.^ 
As was to have been expected, this was never done. 

J Campbell, letter, March 28, 1781, in Virginia State Papers, i, p. 602, 1875; Martin, letter, March 31, 1781; 
ibid., p. 613; Ramsey, Temiessee, p. 26S, 18o3; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, n, pp. 305-307, 1889. 

2 Campbell, letter, March 28, 1781, in Virginia State Papers, i, p. 602, 1875. 

3 Ramsey, op. cit., p. 269. 

• Ibid.; Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 307. 

'Ibid.; Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 267, 268. The latter authority seems to make it 17S2, which is evidenUy 
a mistake. 

• Stevens, Georgia, n, pp. 282-285, 1859; Jones, Georgia, n, p. 503, 1883. 
1 Roosevelt, Wirming of the West, n, p. 311, 1889. 

• Old Tassel's talk, in Ramsey, ""Tennessee, p. 271, 1853, and in Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 315 



172 rN-DIAKS OF FORTH CABOLINA. 

The Chickamauga Band, however, and those farther to the south, 
were still bent on war, being actively encouraged in that disposition 
by the British agents and refugee loyalists living among them. They 
continued to raid both north and south, and in September, 1782, 
Sevier, with 200 mounted men, again made a descent upon their 
towns, destroying several of their settlements about Chickamauga 
Creek, and penetrating as far as the important town of Ustana'H, on 
the headwaters of Coosa River, near the present Calhoun, Georgia. 
This also he destroyed. Every warrior found was killed, together 
with a white man found in one of the towns, whose papers showed 
that he had been active in inciting the Indians to war. On the return 
the expedition halted at Echota, where new assurances were received 
from the friendly element.^ In the meantime a Georgia expedition of 
over 400 men, under General Pickens, had been ravaging the Cherokee 
towns in the same quarter, with such effect that the Cherokee were 
forced to purchase peace by a further surrender of territory on the 
head of Broad River in Georgia.^ This cession was concluded at a 
treaty of peace held with the Georgia commissioners at Augusta in the 
next year, and was confirmed later by the Creeks, who claimed an 
interest in the same lands, but was never accepted by either as the 
voluntary act of their tribe as a whole. ^ 

By the preliminary treaty of Paris, November 30, 1782, the long 
Revolutionary struggle for independence was brought to a close, and 
the Cherokee, as well as the other tribes, seeing the hopelessness of 
continuing the contest alone, began to sue for peace. By seven years 
of constant warfare they had been reduced to the lowest depth of 
misery, almost indeed to the verge of extinction. Over and over 
again their towns had been laid in ashes and their fields wasted. 
Their best warriors had been killed and their women and children had 
sickened and starved in the mountains. Their great war chief, 
Oconostota, who had led them to victory in 1780, was now a broken 
old man, and in this year, at Echota, formally resigned his office in 
favor of his son, The Terrapin. To complete their brimming cup of 
misery the smallpox again broke out among them in 1783.* De- 
prived of the assistance of their former white alHes they were left to 
their own cruel fate, the last feeble resistance of the mountain war- 
riors to the advancing tide of settlement came to an end with the 
burning of Cowee town,^ and the way was left open to an arrangement. 
In the same year the North CaroHna Legislature appointed an agent 
for the Cherokee and made regulations for the government of traders 
among them.^ 

RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES — FROM THE FIRST TREATY TO 
THE REMOVAL — 1785-1838. 

Passing over several unsatisfactory and generally abortive negotia- 
tions conducted by the various State governments in 1783-84, includ- 
ing the treaty of Augusta already noted,'' we come to the turning 
point in the history of the Cherokee, their first treaty with the new 

1 Ramsey, op. cit., p. 272; Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 317 et passim. 

' Stevens, op. cit., pp. 411-415. 

3 Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 151, 1888. 

* See documents in Virginia State Papers, m, pp. 234, 398, 527, 1883. 

6 Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 2S0, 1853. 

«Il)id., p. 276. 

' See Royce, Cherokee Nation, op. cit., pp. 151, 152; Ramsey, op. cit., p. 299 et passim. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 173 

Goveminent of the United States for peace and boundary delimita- 
tion, concluded at Hopewell in South CaroUna on November 28, 
1785. Nearly one thousand Cherokee attended, the commissioners 
for the United States being Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, of North 
Carolina; General Andrew Pickens, of South Carolina; Cherokee 
Agent Joseph Martin, of Tennessee, and Colonel Lachlan Mcintosh, 
of Georgia. The instrument was signed by thirty-seven chiefs and 
principal men, representing nearly as many different towns. The 
negotiations occupied ten days, being complicated by a protest on the 
part of North Carolina and Georgia against the action of the Govern- 
ment commissioners in confirming to the Indians some lands which 
had already been appropriated as bounty lands for State troops with- 
out the consent of the Cherokee. On the other hand, the Cherokee 
complained that 3,000 white settlers were at that moment in occu- 
pancy of unceded land between the Holston and the French Broad. 
In spite of their protest these intruders were allowed to remain, 
although the territory was not acquired by treaty untU some years 
later. As finally arranged the treaty left the Middle and Upper 
towns, and those in the vicuiity of Coosa River, imdisturbed, while 
the whole country east of the Blue Ridge, mth the Watauga and 
Cumberland settlements, was given over to the whites. The general 
boundary followed the dividing ridge between Cumberland River and 
the more southern waters of the Tennessee eastward to the junction 
of the two forks of Holston, near the present Kingsport, Tennessee, 
thence southward to the Blue Ridge and southwestward to a point 
not far from the present Atlanta, Georgia, thence westward to the 
Coosa River and northwestward to a creek running into Tennessee 
River at the western line of lyabama, thence northward with the 
Tennessee River to the beginning. The lands south and west of these 
lines were recognized as belonging to the Creeks and Chickasaw. 
Hostilities were to cease and the Cherokee were taken under the 
protection of the United States. The proceedings ended with the 
distribution of a few presents. 



THE EASTERN TRIBES. 

Besides the Iroquois and Shawano, the Cherokee remember also the 
Delawares, Tuscarora, Catawba, and Cheraw as tribes to the east or 
north with which they formerly had relations. 

The Cherokee call the Delawares Anakwan"klf, in the singular 
Akwan"ki, a derivative formed according to usual Cherokee phonetic 
modification from Wapanaq'kl, ''Easterners," the generic name by 
which the Delawares and their nearest kindred call themselves. 

In the most ancient tradition of the Delawares the Cherokee are 
called Talega, TaUige, TalUge-wi, etc.^ In later Delaware tradition 
they are called Kitu'hwa, and again we find the two tribes at war, for 
which their neighbore are held responsible. According to the Dela- 
ware account, the Iroquois, in one of their forays to the south, killed 
a Cherokee in the woods and purposely left a Delaware war club 
near the body to make it appear that the work had been done by men 
of that tribe. The Cherokee found the body and the club, and natu- 

1 Brinton, Lenape aad Their Legends, p. 130 et passim, 1885; Schoolcraft, Notes on Iroquois, pp. 147, 305 
et passim, 1847; Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. 47-50, ed. 1876. 



174 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

rally supposing that the murder had been committed by the Delawares, 
they suddenly attacked the latter, the result being a long and bloody 
war between the two tribes.^ At this time, i. e., about the end of the 
seventeenth century, it appears that a part at least of the Cherokee 
lived on the waters of the Upper Ohio, where the Delawares made 
continual inroads upon them, finally driving them from the region 
and seizing it for themselves about the year 1708.^ A century ago the 
Delawares used to tell how their warriors would sometimes mingle in 
disguise with the Cherokee at their night dances until the opportunity 
came to strike a sudden blow and be off before their enemies recovered 
from the surprise. 

Later there seems to have been peace until war was again brought 
on by the action of the Shawano, who had taken refuge with the Dela- 
wares, after having been driven from their old home on Cumberland 
River by the Cherokee. Feeling secure in their new alliance, the 
Shawano renewed their raids upon the Cherokee, who retahated by 
pursuing them into the Delaware country, where they killed several 
Delawares by mistake. This inflamed the latter people, already 
excited by the sight of Cherokee scalps and prisoners brought back 
through their country by the Iroquois, and another war was the result, 
which lasted until the Cherokee, tired of fighting so many enemies, 
voluntarily made overtures for peace in 1768, saluting the Delawares 
as Grandfather, an honorary title accorded them by all the Algon- 
quian tribes. The Delawares then reprimanded the Shawano, as the 
cause of the trouble, and advised them to keep quiet, which, as they 
were now left to fight their battles alone, they were glad enough to 
do. At the same time the Cherokee made peace with the Iroquois, 
and the long war with the northern tribes came to an end. The 
friendly feeling thus established was emphasized in 1779, when the 
Cherokee sent a message of condolence upon the death of the Delaware 
chief White-eyes.^ 

The Tuscarora, formerly the ruhng tribe of eastern North Carohna, 
are still remembered under the name Ani'-Skala'll, and are thus men- 
tioned in the Feather dance of the Cherokee, in which some of the 
actors are supposed to be visiting strangers from other tribes. 

As the majority of the Tuscarora fled from Carolina to the Iroquois 
country about 1713, in consequence of their disastrous war with the 
whites, their memory has nearly faded from the recollection of the 
southern Indians. From the scanty fight which history throws upon 
their mutual relations, the two tribes seem to have been almost con- 
stantly at war with each other. Wlien at one time the Cherokee, hav- 
ing already made peace with some other of their neighbors, were urged 
by the whites to make peace also with the Tuscarora, they refused, on 
the ground that, as they could not five without war, it was better to let 
matters stand as they were than to make peace with the Tuscarora and 
be obliged immediately to look about for new enemies with whom to 
fight. For some years before the outbreak of the Tuscarora war in 
1711 the Cherokee had ceased their inroads upon this tribe, and it was 
therefore supposed that they were more busily engaged with some 
other people west of the mountains, these being probably the Shawano, 
whom they drove out of Tennessee about this time.* In the war of 

1 Heckewelder, op. cit., p. 54. 

2 Loskiel, History of the [Moravian] Mission, pp. 124-127; London, 1794. 

3 Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. 88-89, 1876. 

<See Haywood, Nat. and Aborig. Hist, of Tennessee, pp. 220, 224, 237, 1823. 



INDIAN'S OF NORTH CAROLINA. 175 

1711-1713 tiie Cherokee assisted the whites against the Tuscarora. 
In 1731 the Cherokee again threatened to make war upon the remnant 
of that tribe still residing in North CaroUna and the colonial govern- 
ment was compelled to interfere.^ 

The Cheraw or Sara, ranging at different periods from upper South 
Carolina to the southern frontier of Virginia, are also remembered 
under the name of Ani'-Suwa'li, or Ani'-Suwala, which agrees with 
the Spanish form Xuala of De Soto's chronicle, and Suala, or Sualy, 
of Lederer. The Cherokee remember them as having Uved east of 
the Blue Ridge, the trad to tlieir country leading across the gap at the 
head of Swannanoa River, east from Asheville. The name of the 
stream and gap is a corruption of the Cherokee Suwa'll-Nunna'hi, 
"Suwa'M trail." Being a very warlike tribe, they were finally so 
reduced by conflicts with the colonial governments and the Iroquois 
that they were obliged to incorporate with the Catawba, among ^Tiom 
they still maintained their distinct language as late as 1743.^ 

The Catawba are known to the Cherokee as Ani'ta'gwa, singular 
Ata'gwa, or Ta'gwa, the Cherokee attempt at the name by which they 
are most commonly known. They were the immediate neighbors of 
the Cherokee on the east and southeast, having their principal settle- 
ments on the river of their name, just within the limits of South Caro- 
lina, and holding the leading place among all the tribes east of the 
Cherokee country with the exception of the Tuscarora. On the first 
settlement of South Carolina there were estimated to be about 7,000 
persons in the tribe, but their decline was rapid, and by war and dis- 
ease their number had been reduced in 1775 to barely 500, including 
the incorporated remnants of the Cheraw and several smaller tribes. 
There are now, perhaps, 100 still remaining on a small reservation 
near the site of their ancient towns. Some local names in the old 
Cherokee territory seem to mdicate the former presence of Catawba, 
although there is no tradition of any Catawba settlement within those 
limits. Among such names may be mentioned Toccoa Creek, in 
northeastern Georgia, and Toccoa River, in north-central Georgia, 
both names being derived from the Cherokee Tagwa'hi, ' 'Catawba 
place." An old Cherokee personal name is Ta'gw^dihi', "Catawba 
killer." 

The two tribes were hereditary enemies, and the feehng between 
them is nearly as bitter to-day as it was a hundred years ago. Per- 
haps the only case on record of theh acting together was in the war 
of 1711-13, when they cooperated with the colonists against the Tusca- 
rora. The Cherokee, according to the late Colonel Thomas, claim 
to have formerly occupied all the country about the head of the 
Catawba River, to below the present Morganton, until the game 
became scarce, when they retired to the west of the Blue Ridge, and 
afterward "loaned" the eastern territory to the Catawba. This 
agrees pretty well with a Catawba tradition recorded in Schoolcraft, 
according to which the Catawba — who are incorrectly represented as 
comparatively recent immigrants from the north — on arriving at Ca- 
tawba River found their progress disputed by the Cherokee, who 
claimed original ownership of the country. A battle was fought, with 
incredible loss on both sides, but with no decisive result, although the 

» North Carolina Colonial Records, III. pp. 153, 202, 345, 369, 393, 1886. 

'Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the East (bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology), pp. 56, 61, 1894. 



176 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

advantage was with tlie Catawba, on account of their having guns, 
while their opponents had only Indian weapons. Preparations were 
under way to renew the fight when the Cherokee offered to recognize 
the river as the boundary, allowing the Catawba to settle anywhere 
to the east. The overture was accepted and an agreement was 
finally made by which the Catawba were to occupy the country east 
of that river and the Cherokee the country west of Broad River, with 
the region between the two streams to remain as neutral territory. 
Stone piles were heaped up on the battle field to commemorate the 
treaty, and the Broad River was henceforth called Eswau Huppeday 
(Line River), by the Catawba, the country eastward to Catawba 
River being left unoccupied.^ The fact that one party had guns 
would bring this event within the early historic period. 

The Catawba assisted the whites against the Cherokee in the war 
of 1760 and in the later Revolutionary struggle. About 100 war- 
riors, nearly the whole fighting strength of the tribe, took part in 
the first-mentioned war, several being killed, and a smaller number 
accompanied Williamson's force in 1776.^ At the battle fought under 
Williamson near the present site of Franklin, North Carolina, the 
Cherokee, according to the tradition related by Wafford, mistook the 
Catawba allies of the troops for some of their own warriors, and were 
fighting for some time under this impression before they noticed that 
the Catawba wore deer tails in their hair so that the whites might not 
make the same mistake. In this engagement, which was one of the 
bloodiest Indian encounters of the Revolution, the Cherokee claim 
that they had actually defeated the troops and their Catawba allies, 
when their own ammunition gave out and they were consequently 
forced to retire. The Cherokee leader was a noted war chief named 
Tsani (John). 

About 1840 nearly the whole Catawba tribe moved up from South 
Carolina and joined the eastern band of Cherokee, but in consequence 
of tribal jealousies they remained but a short time, and afterward 
returned to their former home, as is related elsewhere. 

Other tribal names (of doubtful authority) are Ani'-Sa'ni and Ani'- 
Sawaha'ni, belonging to people said to have lived toward the north; 
both names are perhaps intended for the Shawano or Shawnee, prop- 
erly Ani'-Saw§,nu'gL The Ani'-Gili' are said to have been neighbors 
of the Anin'tsi or Natchez; the name may possibly be a Cherokee form 
for Congaree. 

******* 

Tuscarora. — The Tuscarora, a southern tribe of the Iroquoian stock, 
formerly occupied an extensive territory upon Neuse River and its 
branches, in eastern North Carolina, and, like their northern cousins, 
seem to have assumed and exercised a certain degree of authority 
over all the smaller tribes about them. As early as 1670 Lederer 
described the Tuscarora ''emperor" as the haughtiest Indian he had 
ever met. About the year 1700 Lawson estimated them at 1,200 
warriors (6,000 souls?) in 15 towns. In 1711 they rose against the 
whites, one of their first acts of hostility being the killing of Lawson 
himself, who was engaged in surv^eying lands which they claimed as 
their own. In a struggle extending over about two years they were 

'Catawba MS. from South Carolina olHcial archives. Schoolcralt, Indian Tribes, in, pp. 293-4, 185:3. 
'Ibid., p. 294, 1853. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLIlSrA. 177 

SO terribly decimated that the greater portion fied from Carohna and 
took refuge with their kinsmen and friends, the Iroquois of New York, 
who were henceforth known as the Six Nations. The so-called 
"friendly" party, under Chief Blount, was settled upon a small res- 
ervation north oi Roanoke River in what is now Bertie County, North 
Carolina. Here they gradually decreased by disease and emigration 
to the North, until the few who were left sold their last remaining 
lands in 1804. The history of the tribe after the removal to the 
North is a part of the history of the Iroquois or Six Nations. They 
number now about 750, of whom about 380 are on the Tuscarora 
Reservation in New York, the others upon the Grand River Reserva- 
tion in Ontario. 

Xuala, Suwali, Sara, or Oheraw. — For the identification and earhest 
notices of the Sara see historical note 8, "De Soto's Route." Their 
later history is one of almost constant hostility to the whites until 
their final incorporation with the Catawba, with whom they were 
probably cognate, about the year 1720. In 1743 they still preserved 
their distinct language, and appear to be last mentioned in 1768, 
when they numbered about 50 souls hving among the Catawba. See 
Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the East, Bulletin of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, 1894. 

Catawba. — The origin and meaning of this name, which dates back 
at least two centuries, are unknown. It may possibly come from the 
Choctaw through the Mobihan trade jargon. They call themselves 
Nieye, which means simply "people" or "Indians." The Iroquois 
caU them and other cognate tribes in their vicinity Toderigh-rono, 
whence Tutelo. In the seventeenth century they were often known 
as Esaw or Ushery, apparently from iswa' , river, in their o^vn lan- 
guage. The Cherokee name Ata'gwa, plural Ani'ta'gwa, is a corrup- 
tion of the popular form. Their Hnguistic affinity with the Siouan 
stock was estabhshed by Gatschet in 1881. See Mooney, Siouan 
Tribes of the East. 

The southern and western tribes: The Creelc confederacy. — Next in 
importance to the Cherokee, among the southern tribes, were the 
Indians of the Creek confederacy, occupying the greater portion of 
Georgia and Alabama, immediately south of the Cherokee. They 
are said to have been called Creeks by the early traders on account 
of the abundance of small streams in their country. Before the 
whites began to press upon them their tribes held nearly all the 
territory from the Atlantic westward to about the watershed between 
the Tombigby and the Pearl and Pascagoula Rivers, being cut off 
from the Gulf coast by the Choctaw tribes, and from the Savannah, 
except near the mouth, by the Uchee, Shawano, and Cherokee. 
About the year 1800 the confederacy comprised 75 towns, the people 
of 47 of which were the Upper Creeks, centering about the upper 
waters of the Alabama, while those of the remaining 28 were the 
Lower Ceeks, upon the lower Chattahoochee and its branches 
(Hawkins). Among them were represented a number of tribes for- 
merly distinct and speaking distinct languages. The ruling tribe and 
language was the Muscogee (plural, Muscoglilgee) , which frequently 
gave its name to the confederacy. Other languages were the Ala- 
bama, Koasati, Hichitee, Taskigi, Uchee, Natchee, and Sawanugi or 
Shawano. The Muscogee, Alabama, Koasati, Hichitee, and Taskigi 
(?) belonged to the Muskhogean stock, the Alabama and Koasati, 

75321° — S. Doc. 677, 63-3 12 



178 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

however, being nearer linguistically to the Choctaw than to the Mus- 
cogee. The Hichitee represent the conquered or otherwise incorpo- 
rated Muskhogean tribes of the Georgia coast region. The Apalachi 
on Appalachee Bay in Florida, who were conquered by the Enghsh 
about 1705 and afterward incorporated with the Creeks, were dialec- 
tically closely akin to the Hichitee; the Seminole also were largely 
an offshoot from this tribe. Of the Taskigi all that is known has been 
told elsewhere. 

The Uchee, Natchee, and Sawanugi were incorporated tribes, differ- 
ing radically in language from each other and from the Muskhogean 
tribes. The territory of the Uchee included both banks of the middle 
Savannah, below the Cherokee, and extended into middle Georgia. 
They had a strong race pride, claiming to be older in the country than 
the Muscogee, and are probably identical with the people of Contachi- 
qui, mentioned in the early Spanish narratives. According to Haw- 
kins, their incorporation with the Creeks was brought about in conse- 
quence of intermarriages about the year 1729. The Natchee or 
Natchez were an important tribe residing in lower Mississippi, in the 
vicinity of the present town of that name, until driven out by the 
French about the year 1730, when most of them took refuge with the 
Creeks, while others joined the Chickasaw and Cherokee. The Sawan- 
ugi were Shawano who kept their town on Savannah River, near the 
present Augusta, after the main body of their tribe had removed to 
the North about 1692. They probably joined the Creeks about the 
same tmie as their friends, the Uchee. The Uchee still constitute a 
compact body of about 600 souls in the Creek Nation, keeping up their 
distinct language and tribal character. The Natchee are reduced to 
one or two old men, while the Sawanugi have probably lost their iden- 
tity long ago. 

According to Morgan, the Muscogee proper, andperhaps also their 
incorporated tribes, have 22 clans. Of these the Wind appears to be 
the leading one, possessing privileges accorded to no other clan, in- 
cluding the hereditary guardianship of the ancient metal tablets which 
constitute the palladium of the tribe. By the treaty of Washington 
in 1832, the Creeks sold all of their remaining lands in their old 
country and agreed to remove west of the Mississippi to what is now 
the Creek Nation in the Indian Territory. The removal extended 
over a period of several years and was not finally accomphshed until 
1845. In 1898 the citizen population of the Creek Nation numbered 
14,771, of whom 10,014 were of Indian blood and the remainder were 
negroes, their former slaves. It appears that the Indian population 
included about 700 from other tribes, chiefly Cherokee. There are 
also about 300 Alabama, '^Cushatta'' (Koasati), and Muscogee in 
Texas. See also Hawkins, Sketch of the Creek Country; Gatschet, 
Creek Migration Legend; Adair, History of the American Indians; 
Bartram, Travels; The Five Civilized Tribes, Bulletin of the Eleventh 
Census; Wyman, in Alabama Historical Society Collections. 

Chickasaw. — This tribe, of Muskhogean stock, formerly occupied 
northern Mississippi and adjacent portions of Alabama and Tennes- 
see, and at an early period had incoiporated al&o several smaller tribes 
on Yazoo River in central Mississippi, chief among which were the 
cognate Chokchuma. The name occurs first in the De Soto narrative. 
The Chickasaw language was simply a dialect of Choctaw, although 
the two tribes were hereditary enemies and differed widely in char- 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 179 

acter, the former being active and warlike, while the latter were noto- 
riously sluggish. Throughout the colonial period the Chickasaw were 
the constant enemies of the French antl friends of the Enghsh, but 
they remained neutral in the Revolution. By the treaty of Pontotoc 
in 1832 they sold their lands east of the Mississippi and agreed to 
remove to Indian Territory, where they are now organized as the 
Chickasaw Nation. According to Morgan they have 12 clans grouped 
into two phratries, In 1890 the citizen population of the nation 
(under Chickasaw laws) consisted of 3,941 full- blood and mixed-blood 
Chickasaw, 681 adopted whites, 131 adopted negroes, and 946 
adopted Indians from other tribes, chiefly Choctaws. Under the 
present law, by which citizenship claims are decided by a Govern- 
ment commission, "Chickasaw by blood" are reported in 1898 to 
number 4,230, while "white and negro" citizens are reported at 
4,818. See also Gatschet, Creek Migration Legend; The Five Civil- 
ized Tribes, Bulletin of Eleventh Census. 



EXHIBIT H. 
HISTORY OF THE TUSCARORAS. 

[From Handbook of American Indians;] 

TuscARORA (STcaru're'^', "hemp gatherers," the Apocynum canna- 
hinum, or Indian hemp, being a plant of many uses among the Carohna 
Tuscarora; the native form of this appellative is impersonal, there 
being no expressed pronominal affix to indicate person, number, or 
gender). Formerly an important confederation of tribes, speaking 
languages cognate with those of the Iroquoian linguistic group, and 
dwelUng, when first encountered, on the Roanoke, Neuse, Taw (Tor- 
hunta or Narhontes), and Pamhco rs., N. C. The evidence drawn 
from the testimony of writers contemporary with them, confirmed in 

Eart by tradition, makes it appear that while occupying this primitive 
abitat the Tuscarora league was composed of at least three tribal 
constituent members, each bearing an independent and exclusive 
appellation. The names of these component members still survive 
in the traditions of the Tuscarora now dwelling in w. New York and 
s. Ontario, Canada. The first of these tribal names is Kd'te'nu'd'Tcd', 
i. e., " People of the Submerged Pine-tree; " the second Akawente' akW 
(meaning doubtful); and the third, Slcaru're'^', "Hemp Gatherers." 
Cusick (Hist. Six Nations, 34, 1828) wrote these tribal appellations 
"Kautanohakau," "Kauwetseka," and "Tuscarora," respectively, 
and (p. 31) refers also to the "Esaurora, or Tuscarora," from which 
it may be inferred that Esaurora is a synonym of Skaru'ree'. 
According to the same authority (p. 36), the Tuscarora, on tradi- 
tionary evidence, possessed m early times the "country lying between 
the sea shores and the mountains, which divide the Atlantic States," 
in which they had 24 large towns and could muster 6,000 warriors, 
probably meaning persons. Lawson, a better authority, wrote that 
in 1708 the Tuscarora had 15 towns and about 1,200 warriors — per- 
haps a minimum estimate of the true number of their fighting-men; 
and Johnson (Legends, etc., of the Iroquois, 1881) says that the Tus- 
carora in North Carolina had 6 towns and 1,200 warriors, which was 
probably approximately true of the Tuscarora proper. Col. Barn- 
well, the commander of the South Carolina forces in the war of 1711-12, 
said that the Tuscarora or " the enemy can't be less than 1,200 or 1,400 
[warriors], which may be easily judged by their large settlements;" 
but Gov. Spotswood of Virginia placed their fighting strength at 2,000 
men in 1711. According to Barnwell the Tuscarora had 3 towns on 
Pamlico r., of which one was Ucouhnerunt, but that most of their 
towns were on Neuse r., and its many affluents. Some indication of 
the extent of the territory claimed by the Tuscarora may be obtained 
from the terms of the truce declared between the Tuscarora and Col. 
Barnwell in 1712. It was agreed therein that the Tuscarora were 
"to plant only on Neuse River, the creek the fort is on, quitting aU 
claims to other lands. ... To quit all pretensions to plantmg, fishing, 
hunting or ranging to all lands lyiaig between Neuse River and Cape 
180 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 181 

Feare, that entirely to be left to the So. Caroliiia Indians, and to be 
treated as enemies if found in those ranges without breach of peace, 
and the enemy's hne shall be between Neuse and PambUco . . . 
fishing on both sides Bear River." This would indicate that Cape 
Fear r. was the southern boundary of the Tuscarora territory. 

History. — The data for the history of the Tuscarora are meager and 
fragmentary, hence while they were at first an important people of 
North Carolina, httle is evidently known regarding them, and that 
little usually appUes to only a part of the people. The first authentic 
information concerning the Tuscarora is that recorded by Lawson, 
the Surveyor General of North Carolina, who knew them well, having 
lived in close contact with them for many years, llis History of 
Carolina, having been written about 1709 and pubhshed in 1718, con- 
tains nothmg in regard to the Tuscarora during the most eventful 
period of their history, namely, that covering the years 1711 to 1713. 
During this time they fought two wars with the colonists of North 
Carolina, who were effectively aided by those of South Carohna and 
Virginia, reenforced by their tributary Indian allies. The first war 
began with the capture of Lawson and the Baron De Graffenried by 
about 60 Tuscarora and the condemnation to death of the former in 
September, 1711. Immediately following, a portion of the Tuscarora 
under Hencock, the Coree, Pamlico, Matamuskeet, Bear Rivers, and 
Machapungo, conspired to cut off the whites, each one of the tribes 
agreeing to operate in its own district whence they were being driven 
by the steady encroachment of the colonists. This compact resulted 
in the massacre of about 130 of the colonists on September 22, 1711, 
on Trent and Pamlico Rrs., by the tribes mentioned. Col. Barn- 
well was sent by South Carolina to aid the hard-pressed colonists of 
North Carolina, and succeeded in driving the Tuscarora into one of 
their pahsaded towns about 20 m. above Newbern, N. C, where he 
defeated them and later induced them to accept terms of peace; but 
Barnwell violated this treaty by seizing some of the Indians and send- 
ing them away into slavery. This was the beginnmg of the second 
war between the Tuscarora and their alhes and the people of North 
Carolina. Again an appeal was made to South Carolina for aid, which 
responded by sending Col. James Moore with a small militia force and 
about 900 tributary Indians. 

Of the Tuscarora, Lawson said that they possessed many amiable 
quaUties; that, in fact, they were "really better to us than we have 
been to them, as they always freely give us of their victuals at their 
quarters, while we let them walk by our doors hungry, and do not 
often relieve them. We look upon them with disdain and scorn, and 
think them httle better than beasts in human form; while with all 
our religion and education, we possess more moral deformities and 
vices than these people do." This attitude of the whites toward the 
Indians naturally led to the troubles later, which ended in much 
bloodshed and cruelty on both sides. Although the Tuscarora were 
regarded as mild, kind, peaceable, ingenious, and industrious, they 
were speedily brutahzed by the vices of the colonists with whom they 
came in contact; their women were debauched by the whites, and 
both men and women were kidnapped to be sold into slavery. The 
colonists of North Carolina, hke their Puritan brethren of New Eng- 
land, did not recognize in the Indian any right to the soil, hence the 
lands of the Tuscarora and of their Indian neighbors and alhes were 



182 INDIAlSrS OP NOKTH CAROLINA. 

appropriated without thought of purchase. It is not strange, there- 
fore, that such conduct on the part of the whites should eventually 
have awakened distrust and jealousy in the minds of the erstwhile 
amiable Tuscarora, which, fomented by these and other grievances, 
finally ripened into a hatred which led to resistance and reprisal. 

Perhaps the most lucid and condensed statement of the wrongs 
suffered by the Tuscarora before vainly attempting to right them is 
contained in a petition made to the Provincial Government of Penn- 
sylvania in 1710. More than a year before the massacre of 1711 the 
Tuscarora had officially formulated a number of proposals embody- 
ing their grievances and their desire to have these adjusted or removed 
by the conclusion of peace, and to this end they sent, through the 
Conestoga (Susquehanna), an embassy with these pacific overtures 
to the people and government of Pennsylvania. The governor and 
provincial council dispatched two commissioners to meet this embassy 
at Conestoga on June 8, 1710, where, in addition to the Tuscarora 
emissaries, they found Civility and four other Conestoga chiefs, and 
Opessa, the head chief of the Shawnee. In the presence of these 
officials the Tuscarora ambassadors deUvered their proposals, attested 
by eight wampum belts, at the same time informing the Pennsylvania 
commissioners that these were sent as an overture for the purpose of 
asking for a cessation of hostilities until the following spring, when 
their chiefs and headmen would come in person "to sufe for the peace 
they so much desired." By the first belt, the elder women and the 
mothers besought the friendship of the Christian people, the Indians 
and the government of Pennsylvania, so they might fetch wood and 
water without risk or danger. By the second, the children born 
and those about to be born, implored for room to sport and play with- 
out the fear of death or slavery. By the third, the young men asked 
for the privilege to leave their towns without the fear of death or 
slavery to hunt for meat for their mothers, their children, and the 
aged ones. By the fourth, the old men, the elders of the people, 
asked for the consummation of a lasting peace, so that the forest (the 
paths to other tribes) be as safe for them as their palisaded towns. 
By the fifth, the entire tribe asked for a firm peace. By the sixth, 
the chiefs asked for the establishment of a lasting peace with the gov- 
ernment, people, and Indians of Pennsylvania, whereby they would 
be reUved from ''those fearful apprehensions they have these several 
years felt." By the seventh, the Tuscarora begged for a ''cessation 
from murdering and taking them," so that thereafter they would not 
fear " a mouse, or anything that ruffles the leaves." By the eighth, 
the tribe, being strangers to the people and government of Pennsyl- 
vania, asked for an official path or means of communication between 
them. 

Stripped of metaphor and the language of diplomacy, the purport 
of this message is plain; it was the statement of a tribe at bay, that 
in view of the large numbers of their people who were being kid- 
naped to be sold into slavery or who were being kiUed while seek- 
ing to defend their offspring and their friends and kindred they 
desired to remove to a more just and friendly government than that 
whence they came. At this time there was no war between them 
and the white people; there had as yet been no massacre by the 
Tuscarora, no threat of hostility on the part of the Indians, yet to 
maintain peace and to avoid the impending shedding of blood they 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 183 

were even then willing to forsake their homes. The commissioners 
of Pennsylvania, however, informed the delegates, among other 
things, that "to confirm the sincerity of their past carriage toward 
the English, and to raise in us a good opinion of them, it would be 
very necessary to procure, a certificate from the government they 
leave, to this, of their good behaviour, and then they might be 
assured of a favourable reception" (Min. Prov. Coun. JPa., ii, 511, 
1852). The Conestoga ("Seneques") chiefs present at this confer- 
ence stated that by the advice of their council it had been deter- 
mined to send these belts, brought by the Tuscarora, to the Five 
Nations. It was the reception of the belts with their pitiful messages 
by these Five Nations that moved the latter to take steps to shield 
and protect the Tuscarora, which gave so much apprehension to the 
northern colonies. 

The rapid encroachment of the whites on the lands of the Tusca- 
rora and their Indian neighbors for a period of 60 years after the 
first settlements, although there was an air of peace and harmony 
between the two races, were wrongs which dwarfed in comparison 
with the continued practice of kidnaping their yonng to be sold 
into slavery. This was the true cause of the so-called Tuscarora 
War in 1711-1713. This phase of the question is overlooked or quite 
disregarded by most historians; but years before the massacre of 

1711, Tuscarora Indians were brought into Pennsylvania and sold 
as slaves, a transaction that excited grave apprehension in the 
minds of the resident Indian tribes. To allay as much as possible 
this growing terror among them, the provincial council of Pennsyl- 
vania enacted in 1705 that, "Whereas the importation of Indian 
slaves from Carolina, or other places, hath been observed to give 
the Indians of this province some umbrage for suspicion and dissat- 
isfaction," such importation be prohibited after March 25, 1706. This 
enactment was based solely on expediency and self-interest, since it 
was evident that the Indians to the southward were in a general 
commotion. During the Tuscarora War an act was passed, June 7, 

1712, forbidding the importation of Indians, but providing for their 
sale as slaves to the highest bidder in case any should be imported 
for that purpose. It is known that the prisoners of Col. Barnwell 
and Col. Moore were all sold as slaves, even the northern colonies 
being canvassed for a market for them; indeed, the Boston News 
Letter of 1713 contained an advertisement ofl'ering these very Indians 
for purchase. 

According to De Graffenried, Surveyor Gen. Lawson in 1709- 
10 settled his people, the Swiss and Palatines, on the south bank of Trent 
River, on a tongue of laud called Chattawka, formed by the Trent and 
the Neuse in North Carolina, in a hot and unheal thful situation. 
De Graffenried bitterly complained that the surveyor general was 
dishonest for having charged him a "heavy price" for it, and for the 
consequences of his not knowing that Lawson had no title to the 
land and that the place was still inhabited by the Indians, although 
the surveyor general had attested that the land was free of encum- 
brance and unoccupied. This encroachment on the Indian lands 
was one of the fundamental causes of the so-caUed Tuscarora War. 
It is well known that the Coree, together with their close allies, the 
hostile Tuscarora, in 1711 took vengeance on the Swiss and Palatines 
settled on Trent River, kilUng about 70 of them, woimding many others, 



184 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

and destroying much of their property. De Graffenried says that 
one of the several causes of the war was the "rough treatment of 
some turbulent Carolinians, who cheated those Indians in trading, 
and would not allow them to hunt near their plantations, and under 
that pretense took away from them their, game, arms, and ammuni- 
tion," and that the despised Indians being "insulted in many ways 
by a few rough Carolinians, more barbarous and inhuman than the 
savages themselves, could not stand such treatment any longer and 
began to think of their safety and of vengeance. What they did 
they did very secretly." 

Inaletter of Maj. Christopher Gale to his brother, November 2, 1711, 
he describes a condition, fairly representative of the times, as to the 
relations between the whites and the Indians around them. Dur- 
ing an attack on one of the many small garrisons maintained for the 
protection of the settlements, "a number of Indian prisoners of a 
certain nation, which we did not know, whether they were friends or 
enemies, rose in the garrison, but were soon cut to pieces, as those on 
the outside repelled. In the garrison were kiUed 9 men, and soon 
after 39 women and children sent off for slaves." This shows that 
for the purposes of slavery little distinction, if any, was made between 
one tribe and another. 

De Graffenried, while a captive among the hostile Tuscarora, 
negotiated, subsequent to the execution of the unfortunate Lawson, 
a private treaty with them by offering to every one of the chiefs of 
the 10 villages of the hostiles a cloth jerkin, 2 bottles of powder, 500 
grains of small shot, 2 bottles of rum, and something more to the 
head chief for his own ransom. Among other things he agreed to 
remain neutral during the continuance of the war, and that he, the 
"said governor of the German colony, promises to remain within 
his limits and to take no more lands from them without due warning 
to the king [head chiefl and his nation." Thus De Graffenried 
admitted taking Indian lands without consulting the Indians, 
although he says elsewhere, "It must be observed that it was neither 
I nor my colony who were the cause of that terrible slaughter or 
Indian war, " apparently overlooking the fact that the greatest massa- 
cre was among his own Swiss and Palatines, indicating that the 
Indians thus resented the wrongs committed by him and his people. 

In order to secure the aid of the Catawba ("Flatheads") against 
the hostile Tuscarora, the Carolina authorities promised them that 
in the event of success in the war the Indians were to obtain goods 
" cheaper than formerly." But after faithfully aiding the Carolinians 
in 1711-1713 in dispersing the hostile Tuscarora, the Catawba were 
deceived as to the promised reduction in the price of goods sold to 
them, and from this misunderstanding arose the troubles leading 
later to the Catawba War in 1714-15 (N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., v, 444, 
1855). 

The chiefs of the Five Nations, in conference with Gov. Hunter at 
Albany, September 25, 1714, acquainted him with the fact that the 
"Tuscarora Indians are come to shelter themselves among the Five 
Nations; they were of us and went from us long ago, and now are 
returned and promise to live peaceably among us. And since there 
is peace now everywhere we have received them. Do give a belt 
of wampum. We desire you to look upon the Tuscaroras that are 
come to live among us as our children, who shall obey our commands 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 185 

and live peaceably and orderly" (N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., v, 387, 1855). 
This proposal, for it was practically such, was not yet accepted by 
the New York government in 1715 (ibid., 413). 

On June 23, 1712, Gov. Hunter, of New York, wrote to the Lords 
of Trade that " the war betwixt the people of North Carolina and the 
Tuscarora Indians is like to embroil us all," and expressed the fear 
that under French instigation the Fi^e Nations would fulfill their 
threat to joint the Tuscarora (ibid., 343). Again, on September 10, 
1713, Hunter wrote to Secretary Popple that "the Five Nations are 
hardly to be diswaded from sheltering the Tuscaruro Indians, which 
would embroil us all," and expressed regret that he had no funds 
with wliich to buy presents to be employed in dissuading them from 
forming an alliance with the Tuscarora. 

On September 10, 1713, an Onondaga chief, in conference with 
commissioners from Gov. Hunter at Onondaga, said: ''Brother 
Corlaer says the Queen's subjects towards the south are now at war 
with the tus-Carorase Indians. These Indians went out heretofore 
from us, and ha,ve settled themselves there; now they have got into 
war and are dispersed. * * * They have abandoned their castles 
and are scattered hither and thither; let that suffice; and we request 
our Brother Corlaer to act as mediator between the EngUsh of Car- 
relyna and the Tuskaroras that they may no longer be hunted down, 
and we assure that we will obhge them not to do the English any 
more harm, for they are no longer a nation with a name, being once 
dispersed" (N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., v, 376, 1855). 

In 1717 Gov. Hunter, of New York, informed the Five Nations 
that there were Virginia traders who still bartered with the Tuscarora, 
thus showing that, contrary to the common opinion, there were still 
a part of these Indians in Carohna and southern Virginia. 

In a letter dated at Narhantes Fort, February 4, 1712, Col. BarnweU 
gives a list of the various tribes of Southern Indians who composed 
his motley army. In his own spelUng these were: The Yamasses, 
Hog Logees, Apalatchees, Corsaboy, Watterees, Sagarees, Catawbas, 
Suterees, Waxams, Congarees, Sattees, Pedees, Weneaws, Cape Feare, 
Hoopengs, Wareperes, Saraws, and Saxapahaws. Fort Narhantes, 
according to Barnwell, was the largest and most warhke town of the 
Tuscarora. It was situated about 27 miles below a former settle- 
ment of the Saxapi\haw or "Shacioe Indians," which these Indians 
had been forced to abandon along with others at the beginning of 
February, 1712, by the Narhantes Tuscarora, who had fallen upon 
them and had kiUed 16 persons, owing to the refusal of the Saxapa- 
haw to join the Tuscarora against the Enghsh. The Saxapahaw had 
just reached the Wattomas when Barnwell arrived there. After 
reaching Neuse River, Barnwell numbered his men before crossing, 
and found that he had 498 Indians and 33 white men. He com- 
plained that there was a great desertion of the Indians; that only 
67 remained of Capt. Bull's 200. On taking Fort Narhantes, ''head 
Town of ye Tuscaruros, " on January 30, 1712, he and his men were 
greatly surprised and puzzled to find within two log houses much 
stronger than the outer fort. After gaining an entrance, he says, 
while "we were putting the men to the sword, our Indians got all 
the slaves and the plunder, only one girl we gott. " This was the 
strongest fort in that part of the country. His loss was 7 white men 
killed and at least 32 wounded; the Indian loss was 6 killed and 28 



186 INDIAlSrS OF NORTH CAROLINA, 

wounded; the Tuscarora loss was 52 men killed and at least 10 
women, and 30 prisoners. Barnwell was much chagrined at his great 
loss, "with no greater execution ot ye enemy.'' De Graff enried, in 
speaking of this encounter, says he "marched against a great Indian 
village, called Core, about 30 miles distant from Newbern, drove out 
the King and his forces, and carried the day with such lury that, 
after they had killed a great many, in order to stimulate themselves 
still more, they cooked the flesh of an Indian ' in good condition ' and 
ate it. " So it appears that Narhantes was a Coree village, whose 
King was called Cor Tom. Barnwell then advanced on Catechna, 
or King Hencock's town, in which had taken refuge a medley of 
Indians from the Weetock, Bay, Neuse, Cor, Pamlico, and a portion 
of the Tuscarora tribe. After two assaults, which the Indians suc- 
cessfully repulsed, Barnwell, in order to save from massacre the white 
prisoners within the fort, induced the Indians to enter into a truce 
with him on condition that the white prisoners be liberated; and he 
returned to Newbern with his small army for refreshment. Barnwell 
had hoped for great honors and gifts from North Carolina, but being 
disappointed in this hope, and wishing to return home with his forces 
with some profit, he lured, under pretense of peace, a large number 
of the Indians to the neighborhood of Cor village and then broke the 
truce by capturing them and carrying them away to be sold into 
slavery. This naturally incensed the Tuscarora and other Carolina 
Indians, and caused them to lose all confidence in the word of a white 
man. This change of affairs resulted in repeated raids by the Indians 
along Neuse and Pamlico Rivers, and "the last troubles were worse 
than the first. " 

Solicitations by the North Carolina authorities were made to the 
government of South Carolina for new aid, which was granted, under 
Col. Moore, with a body of 33 white men and more than 900 Indian 
allies, who were probably reenforced by North Carolina recruits. His 
objective point was the palisaded town of Catechna, or Hencock's 
village. Id a letter dated March 27, 1713, to President Pollock, of 
North Carolina, just after he had taken the palisaded town of "Neo- 
heroka," in Greene County, N. C, which lay on his route to Catechna, 
he reported that the attack was begun on the 20th and that on the 
morning of the 23d "wee had gott ye fort to ye ground. " He states 
that the prisoners taken were 392, that the scalps taken in the fort 
numbered 192, that there were 200 killed and burned in the fort, and 
166 persons lolled and taken "out of ye fort on ye Scout," a total of 
950. His own loss was 22 white men killed and 36 wounded; the 
loss of his Indians was 35 killed and 58 wounded. This severe loss 
so iiwed the Tuscarora that they abandoned Fort "Cohunche, " situ- 
ated at Hencock's town, and migrated northward toward the territory 
of the Five Nations. 

Prior to the arrival of Col. Moore, President Pollock had entered 
into an arrangement with Tom Blunt, the leading chief of the "North- 
ern Tuscarora, " to seize Chief Hencock, who was the reputed head 
of the hostile Tuscarora, and to bring him alive to the President for 
the purpose of adjusting their mutal difficulties and to negotiate 
peace. Blunt's Tuscarora were to destroy the hostiles who had taken 

Eart in the massacre and to deliver hostages for their own good 
ehavior — this arrangement was to continue only until the new year. 
After the defeat of the Tuscarora by Moore, another treaty was made 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 187 

with Tom Blunt and his Tuscarora, thus leaving as hostile only the 
small tribes of the Coree, Matamuskeet, and Catechna. All of Moore's 
Indians except about 180 returned to South Carolina to sell their 
captives into slavery. With the remaining forces Moore soon reduced 
and drove away the few remaining hostiles. 

The date of the adoption of the Tuscarora into the Council Board 
of the League of the Iroquois, through the Oneida, their political 
sponsors, is indefinite, judging from the differing dates, ranging from 
1712 to 1715, given by various well-informed writers. In their forced 
migration northward the Tuscarora did not all decamp at once. The 
hostiles and their most apprehensive sympathizers were most proba- 
bly the first to leave their ancient homes m North Carohna. On the 
total defeat and dispersion of the hostile Tuscarora and their allies 
in 1713, the scattered fragments of tribes fled and sought asylum 
with other tribes, among whom their identity was not always main- 
tained. Although the Five Nations gave asylum to the fugitive 
Tuscarora, there is also abundant evidence that, for political reasons 
perhaps, the Tuscarora were not for many years after their flight 
from North Carolina formally admitted into the Council Board of 
the League of the Five Nations as a constitutive member. The fact 
is that the Tuscarora were 90 years in removing from their North 
Carolina home to more friendly dweUing-places in the north, and 
there is no evidence that they were formally incorporated into the 
confederation of the Five Nations, as a coequal member, before Sep- 
tember, 1722. On September 6, 1722, Gov. Burnet held a confer- 
ence with the Five Nations at Albany, at which Gov. Spotswood, of 
Virginia, was present. For the purpose of preventing forays between 
the Five Nations and their allies on the one hand, and the Southern 
Indians on the other, Spotswood induced the Five Nations to consent 
to the running of a dividing line along the Potomac and the high ridge 
of the AUegany Mountains. This agreement was made in the name 
of the Five Nations and the Tuscarora, indicating that the latter had 
become a factor in the councils of the League of the Iroquois. In 
closing the conference, it is stated that the Indians ''gave six shouts — ■ 
five for the Five Nations and one for the castle of Tuscaroras, lately 
seated between the Oneidas and Onondagas. " The record continues 
that at the conclusion of this conference, on September 13, the Five 
Nations sought a special interview with the governor of Pennsylvania, 
and that on September 14 the governor received " the 10 chiefs of the 
Five Nations, being two from each, together with two others, said to 
be of the Tuscororoes. " This appears to be the first official mention 
of the Tuscarora as taking part in the management of the public 
affairs of the league. The Tuscacora mentioned here, however, did 
not include those who dwelt on the Juniata and on the Susquehanna 
at Oquaga and its environs, nor those still in North Carolina. 

In a petition of John Armstrong for land lying in Tuscarora Valley, 
on Juniata River, Pa., about 6 miles from the mouth of Tuscarora 
Creek, the Indians living there at that time are called Lakens; this 
land was taken up by Armstrong on February 3, 1755. On the same 
day George Armstrong obtained a warrant for land situated on the 
south side of Tuscarora Creek, "opposite to the settlement of the 
Indians, called Lackens. " It would thus appear that at this date 
this band of Tuscarora were known, at least locally, as Lakens or 
Lackens. 



188 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Elias Johnson, in his legends, says that it was the" Seneca who first 
adopted the Tuscarora as a constituent member of the league. This, 
however, is at variance with the common but authentic traditions of 
all the tribes and with the official statement of Col. (afterward Sir) 
Wilham Johnson to the Oneida, made at Mount Johnson, September 
8, 1753. He said, "Brethren of Oneida. * * * yij j^gg^ advice 
is to have your castles as near together as you conveniently can with 
the Tuscaroras, who belong to you as children, and the Scanihade- 
radighroones, lately come into your alliance or families, which makes 
it necessary for me to fix a new string to the cradle which was hung 
up by your forefathers when they received the Tuscaroras, * * * 
to feed and protect. " 

After the close of the war of 1711-1713 in North Carolina, the neu- 
tral Tuscarora, with remnants of allied tribes still remaining in that 
country, were placed under the rule of Chief Tom Blunt, or Blount, 
by treaty with the provincial government of North Carolina. From 
an act of the General Assembly of North Carohna, in 1778, it is learned 
that Withmell Tuff dick was then the ruling chief; but the last ruling 
chief of the North Carolina Tuscarora was Samuel Smith, who died 
in 1802. 

In 1767, the renown of the Moravian mission station at Frieden- 
shuetten (q. v.) in Pennsylvania was so great that many Indians 
from various tribes, including the Tuscarora, probably from Oquaga, 
Ingaren, and vicinity, were constantly stopping there. Many passed 
through it merely to see a place so famous for its hospitality. In 
May, 1766, seventy-five Tuscarora, according to Loskiel, on their 
way from North Carolina, halted here and remained for some weeks. 
They are described as lazy and "refuse to hear rehgion. " During 
their stay the Tuscarora were so alarmed at the sight of the first 
snow that they left their huts down by the river and took refuge 
with the missionaries. A number of Tuscarora arrived at the mission 
to remain there; these had planted their crops during 1766 at the 
mouth of Tuscarora Creek, Wyoming County, Pa. 

On December 16, 1766, Sir William Johnson received at Mount John- 
son, N. Y., 160 Tuscarora who had just arrived from North Carolina. 
They complained to him that on their way thither they had been 
robbed at Paxtang, in Pennsylvania, of their horses and other prop- 
erty to the value of about S300. 

Later the Tuscarora on the Susquehanna, dwelling at Oquaga and 
in its vicinity, had lands assigned them by the Oneida, their political 
sponsors. These lands were bounded on the east by Unadilla River, 
on the west by the Chenango, and on the south by the Susquehanna. 
In the northern part of this allotment were situated the towns of 
Ganasaraga, on the site of Sullivan, Madison County, N. Y., and 
Kannehsuntahkeh. A number of the Tuscarora lived with the 
Oneida in their chief village. On these lands a large portion of the 
Tuscarora remained until the events of the Revolution displaced 
them. By the terms of the treaty of Fort Herkimer in 1785 with 
the State of New York, to which the Tuscarora were nominal parties, 
the Oneida, the original proprietors of the lands then occupied by 
the Tuscarora, conveyed to New York the lands of the Tuscarora 
and retained the proceeds of the sale ; thus the Tuscarora were again 
without a home. Thereafter they became dispersed. Later they 
had a village called Junastriyo (Tcunastri' io') in the Genessee VaUey, 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 189 

below Avon, N. Y.; another, called Jutaneaga (Tcutanen" Ida'), at 
the fork of Chittenango Creek; and another called Kanhato (Ka'n- 
'ha^nii'). 

According to Johnson Qegends, etc.), a part of the fugitive Tus- 
carora settled at a point about 2 miles west of Tamaqua, Schuylkill 
County, Pa., where they planted apple trees and lived for a number 
of years. It is probable that it was these Tuscarora who later re- 
moved to Oquaga, in the vicinity of which they had three other 
towns in 1778. Another band of fugitives settled in Tuscarora 
Valley (as it was called later from them), on Juniata River, Pa. 
They remained here at least as late as 1762. In a minute of a con- 
ference held at Lancaster, Pa., August 11, 1762, between Lieut. Gov. 
Hamilton of Pennsylvania and delegates from the Ohio Delawares, 
the Tuscarora of Oquaga and Lower Tuscarora, the Shawnee, the 
Kickapoo, the Wea, and the Miami, it is stated that six Tuscarora 
were present, of whom three were chiefs, who brought from their 
people a letter in which they asked the governor to furnish them 
with a pass, saying, ''We should be glad to be informed of the state 
and behavior of our brethren in Tuscarora Valley, and to have some 
directions about the way, as we propose to make them a visit, and 
also should be glad of a pass or recommendation in writing, that we 
may be friendly received on our way to and at the valley." 

Major portions of the Oneida and the Tuscarora, in accordance 
with standing agreements with the United Colonies, remained faithful 
to the American cause during the Revolution. When the Indian 
allies of the British, even some of their brethren of the Six Nations, 
learned that a majority of the Tuscarora had cast their lot with the 
Colonies, they invaded the Tuscarora country, burned their lodges, 
and destroyed their crops and other property. Thus again by the 
fortunes of war the Tuscarora were scattered and homeless. A large 

Earty of these settled at a place called Oyonwayea, or Johnson's 
anding, in Niagara County, N. Y., about 4 miles east of the outlet 
of Niagara River, at the mouth of Four Mile Creek, in order not to 
be directly among the many Indians friendly to the British cause 
camped around Fort Niagara. At the close of the war, two families, 
probably clans, of Tuscarora from Oyonwayea, made their way to 
the northeast limits of their present reservation, where they found 
many walnuts and butternuts, and a fine stream. Here they decided 
to winter. Being missed from Oyonwayea, scouts were sent out, 
who found them in their newly chosen settlement, a situation so 
favorable that, after the gratuitous cession of their former home 
among the Oneida, Oyonwayea was abandoned and all the families 
removed to the new site. Although the Tuscarora had only a tacit 
pel mission from the Seneca to reside at this place, the last settlement 
became the foundation of the present Tuscarora reservation in New 
York.- At the treaty held at Genessee, September 15, 1797, between 
Robert Morris and the Seneca Tribe, the Tuscarora chiefs complained 
for the first time since their admission to the councils of the league, 
that the Five Nations had from time to time allotted lands to their 
people, but that each time these lands had been included in a sub- 
sequent cession to the whites, and that the Tuscarora had received 
nothing in return for their right of occupancy or for their improve- 
ments. The justice and merits of their complaint having been 
acknowledged by the Five Nations, Morris reserved to the Tuscarora, 



190 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

by grant, 2 square miles, covering their settlement on the ridge men- 
tioned above, and the Seneca thereupon granted them an adjoining 
square mile. About 1800-1802 a deputation was sent to North Car- 
olina to learn whether they could obtain funds in payment for the 
lands they formerly occupied there, with the result that, by aid of the 
North Carolina Legislature, they were able to lease the Carolina lands, 
which yielded a fund of S13,722. This sum enabled the Secretary of 
War in 1804, under authority of Congress, to purchase 4,329 acres for 
the Tuscarora from the Holland Land Co., adjoining the 3 square 
miles already occupied by them. Such is the origin of the land 
holdings of the New York Tuscarora. 

It was while the Tuscarora deputation was in North Carolina that 
the renmant of the tribe still residing there was brought to the north 
and joined their brethren in New York State. 

The Tuscarora in sympathy with those of the Six Nations that 
adhered to the cause of Great Britain in the Revolution were granted 
lands in severalty on Grand River Reservation, Ontario. 

The evangelizing work of Christian missionaries began among the 
Tuscarora in western New York as early as 1805 under the patronage 
of the New York Missionary Society. At first there were only six 
persons among the Tuscarora willing to abjure their ancient faith 
and customs, at least in name and appearance, and join in the mis- 
sionary work; the remainder were generally strongly averse to the 
work of the missionaries. So violent were the struggles between the 
two unequal parties that in the spring of 1820 the "pagans" suc- 
ceeded in inducing about 70 persons to emigrate to Canada, where 
they settled among the pagans of the Six Nations on the Grand 
River Reservation, Ontario. The church membership at this time 
was 16 persons. Little progress was apparent in the education of 
the Tuscarora, although the New York Society had maintained a 
school among them. 

Ethnology. — The Tuscarora in Nev/ York are governed by a council 
of irresponsible chiefs, for the Indians have forgotten and so neglect 
the means to be employed in enforcing the will of the clan in case a 
chief fails in his plain duty; the criminal law of New York at this 
point nullifies the early sovereignty of the clan over its members. 
In common with the other tribes of the Iroquoian linguistic stock, 
the Tuscarora traced the descent of blood through the line of the 
mother, and made the civil and official military chieftainships heredi- 
tary in the oTiwatcira of certain clans (see Clans) over which the 
women chiefs and the elder women presided. The simplest political 
unit was the oJiwatcira, of which one or more constituted a clan, 
which was the simplest organized political unit. The Tuscarora were 
constituted of at least eight clans, which primitively were organized 
into phratries. There are no data, other than those furnished by 
tradition and analogy, as to the organization of the Tuscarora con- 
federation. The clans were exogamic as to their own members, as 
were also the phratries in primitive times. The Tuscarora of New 
York being completely isolated from any of their own people who 
still profess their ancient dogmas and beliefs and who still practice 
their ancient rites and ceremonies, have preserved only a hazy 
recollection of their early customs, ceremonies, and rites; even less 
do they comprehend the meaning of the ceremonies still practiced by 
the so-called pagan members of cognate tribes. They are aU pro- 



IISTDIAlSrS OF N-QETH: CAEOLIlSrA. 191 

fessed Cliristians, and so turn away from the old forms of thought 
and practice of their ancestors. 

The exact number of clans still existing among the Tuscarora is 
not definitely known, for the native authorities themselves do not 
agree on the number and the names of those still recognized — some 
informants give seven, while others with equal credibility give eight. 
There is likewise some diversity in regard to the correct names of 
certain clans. One list has Bear, Wolf, Turtle, Beaver, Deer, Eel, 
and Snipe ; another has Bear, Eel, Large Turtle, Small Turtle, Beaver, 
Deer, Wolf, and Snipe; still another list has Bear, Eel, Deer, Turtle, 
Gray Wolf, Yellow Wolf, Beaver, and Snipe; and yet another is like 
the last, except that the Turtle clan is replaced by the clans Small 
Turtle and Large Turtle. Like differences appear in the lists of 
clans of the other Iroquois tribes. 

The names of the civil chiefs still in use among the present two 
divisions of the Tuscarora (that in Ontario and the other in western 
New York) are: (A) Sdhwari"prd' (Sacharissa), 'The spear trailer'; 
Ni'hawenan'a', 'His Yoice is small' ; Hotio'JcvMVJd"li:e'^' , 'He holds or 
grasps the multitude,' or possibly, 'He holds or grasps his own loins' ; 
these three belong to the Turtle clan. (B) NdJcdien'ie'^' (signification 
not clear); UtaJcwa'teYa^, 'The Bear clib' ; lonentcJidneh^TiaJce'^', 'Its 
fore-paw pressed against its breast' ; these three belong to the Bear 
clan. (C) Ndio'Jcdwe'^' a (signification not known) ; A'eiotchd'Jc'don', 
'It is bent' ; these two belong to the Wolf clan. (D) Karondawa"Jce'^' , 
'One is holding the tree' ; ThandddJc'hvjd' (signification not clear) ; 
these two belong to the Snipe clan. (E) Eari'hen'tid' , 'It goes along 
teaching'; Ni'Jino'lcd'ivd' , 'He annoints the hide'; NdJcd'Jienwd"f^Jien, 
'It is twenty canoes' ; these three belong to the Beaver clan. Among 
the Canadian Tuscarora on Grand River Reservation, Ontario, the 
first and last names of the Turtle clan, the first title of the Wolf 
clan, and the first title of the Snipe clan appear to be the only ones 
now in use, although these four titles are questionably also in use 
among the New York Tuscarora. 

There is no definite uiformation available as to the former and 
more complete organization into clan phratries. Some of the trans- 
lations of the chieftain titles above would seem to indicate that they 
were originally designations of some habit, attitude, or other char- 
acteristic feature of the clan tutelary or patron, questionably caUed 
"totem." The clan name, with one or two exceptions, is not the 
ordinar}^ name of the clan guardian or patron, but is rather descrip- 
tive of some feature or attitude, or is the name of the usual habitat, 
of the tutelary; for example, the name of the Bear clan signifies 
literally, 'Broken-off tail'; that of the Plover or Killdee (Snipe) 
'Clean-sand people'; that of the Beaver, 'People of the stream'; 
that of the Turtle clan, 'Chmbing-the-mountain people,' named from 
the position of the turtle basking, etc. It is probable that plover 
killdee should be substituted in the foregoing lists of clans, for the 
name clearly refers to the killdee's habit of running along the clean 
sand at the water's edge. 

De Graffenried gives (N. C. Col. Rec, i, 905 et seq.) an interesting 
account of the preparations made for the execution of Lawson and 
himself by the hostile Tuscarora. In the open space or pubhc square 
mentioned there was a large fire, near which was the shaman or high 
priest, a grizzled sorcerer, who made two white rings on the ground, 



192 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

whether of flour or wliite sand was not stated. In front of the two 
victims was placed a wolf skin, and a short distance farther there 
stood an Indian in a terrifying posture, holding in one hand a knife 
and in the other a tomahawk; he was apparently the executioner. 
He did not move from the spot. On the farther side of the fire were 
assembled young men, women, and children, who danced with weird 
and frightful contortions and attitudes. In the center of the circle 
of dancers were seated two singers who intoned a dismal song, * 'rather 
fit to provoke tears and anger than joy." Within the circle of dan- 
cers the shaman stood unterrified, uttering his threatenings and 
adjurations and performing his exorcisms against the foes of his 
people and their orenda or ''medicine," when there would come a 
pause in the dancing. Finally, with shouts and howls the dancers 
ran into the neighboring forests. In a short time they returned with 
their faces painted black, white, and red, in bands, and with their 
hair loose and flying, oiled and sprmkled with fine down or cotton 
from the cattail flag and with small white feathers, and some returned 
arrayed in aU kinds of furs. After their return, the dance was 
renewed. Back of the two victims stood a double line of armed 
wariiors who kept their posts until everything was over ; back of this 
guard was the council of war, whose members were seated on the 
ground in a circle, gravely deUberating on the fate of the two noted 
prisoners. FinaUy, they acted on the advice of "King" Tom Blunt, 
the headchief of their neighbors, "the villages of the Tuscaroros," 
properly so called, that King Hencock should hberate De Graffen- 
ried, and could deal with Lawson as he and his council pleased. The 
manner of Lawson's death, as learned from Indian information, is 
found in a letter of Maj. Christopher Gale to his brother, Nov. 2, 1711, 
wherem it is said that the Indians stuck the unfortunate prisoner 
"full of fine small splinters of torchwood, Hke hogs' bristles, and so 
set them gradually on fire." De Graffenried was not permitted to 
know how Lawson was executed. 

To this account of the Tuscarora method of preparing for the 
execution of captives may be added their triumphal ceremonies 
which De Graffenrid says they performed after their defeat of a relief 
party of Swiss and Palatines. He reports that they built bonfires 
at night, and especially a large one in the place of executions, where 
they raised "three wolf's hides, figurmg as many protectors or gods," 
to which offerings, consisting of their jewels, were made by the 
women. In the middle of the cricle, the chief shaman performed all 
manner of contortions, conjurations, and imprecations against the 
enemies of his country, while the populace danced in a circle around 
the wolf hides. 

The council of "King" Hencock, which consisted of 40 elders, 
was caUed by the Tuscarora, according to De Graffenried, the "As- 
sembly of the Great," a translation of the Tuscarora terms for the 
council of chiefs, the general word for chief signifying 'one is great,' 
either in size or position. At the council before which Lawson and 
De Graffenried were tried the "forty elders" were seated around a 
great fire kindled in a large open space devoted to important festivals 
and pubhc executions. On this occasion these chiefs and the accused 
were seated on rush mats, which were customarily provided for the 
comfort of guests as a mark of deference and honor. Although the 
two captives were acquitted by the first council, they were again 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 193 

tried before a second council, after Lawson incautiously had liad a 
bitter quarrel with Cor Tom, the chief of Cor town, who was not at 
the first council. The two captives were not given mats upon which 
to sit, and Lawson was condemned to death and De Graff enried was 
acquitted. 

Lawson asserts that the most powerful tribe ''scorns to treat or 
trade with any others, of fewer numbers and less power in any other 
tongue but their own, which serves for the Ungua of the country; 
with which we travel and deal." As an example of this, the Tusca- 
rora are cited. Being the most numerous tribe in North Carolina, 
their language was necessarily understood by some persons in every 
town of all the neighboring tribes. 

The Tuscarora carried on a pernicious trade in rum with the 
Indians dwelling to their westward. In 1708 rum had been but 
recently introduced among the latter, chiefly by the Tuscarora, who 
transported it in rundlets several hundred miles, amongst other 
Indians. They sold it at "so many mouthfuls for a buckskin, they 
never using any other measure," the buyer always choosing a man 
having the largest mouth possible to accompany him to the market, 
and the mouthful was scrupulously emptied into a bowl brought for 
the purpose. The Tuscarora also traded with the Shakori and 
Occaneechi, selling them wooden bowls and ladles for rawhides. 

Their lodges, usually round in form, were constructed of poles, 
covered with the bark of cypress, red or white cedar, or sometimes 

Eine. At one place Lawson met more than 500 Tuscarora in one 
ody in a hunting camp. They had constructed their lodges with 
bark, "not with round tops, as they commonly use, but ridge fashion, 
after the manner of most Indians." Among them he found much 
corn, while meat and venison were scarce, because of the great num- 
ber of people, for although they were expert hunters, they were too 
populous for one range. 

According to Lawson, the native Tuscarora of North Carolina had 
rather flat bodies, due probably to the fact that in early infancy the 
children were swathed to cradle-boards. He adds: "They are not of 
so robust and strong bodies as to lift great burdens, and endm^e labor 
and slavish work, as Europeans are; yet some that are slaves prove 
very good and laborious." They were dextrous and steady, and 
collected in the use of their hands and feet; their bearing was sedate 
and majestic; their eyes were commonly full and manly, being black 
or dark hazel in color, and the white of the eye was usually marbled 
with red Hues; their skin was tawny, and somewhat darkened by 
the habit of anointing it with bear's oil and a pigment resembling 
burnt cork. When they wished to be very fine they mixed with the 
oil a certain red powder made from a scarlet root growing in the hilly 
country. This root was held in great esteem among them, selling it 
one to another at a very high price, on account of the distance from 
which it came and the danger to which they were exposed in obtain- 
ing it. The Tuscarora and other Indians attempted to cultivate 
this plant, but it would not grow in their land. As a substitute they 
sometimes used puccoon root, which also has a crimson color, but 
this dyed the h^u" an ugly hue. The heads even of the aged were 
scarcely ever bald; their teeth were tinged yeUow from smoking 
tobacco, to which habit both men and women were much addicted; 

75321" — S. Doc. 677, 63-3 13 



194 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

they, however, did not snuff or chew tobacco. They plucked the hair 
from their faces and bodies. There were but few deformed or crip- 
pled persons among them. 

The Tuscarora had many dances suitable to various occasions; 
these as a rule were accompanied with pubhc feasts prepared under 
the direction of the women chiefs. Every dance had its pecuUar 
song, but probably was not changed for every occasion on which 
the dance was performed, although Lawson states that ''all these 
songs are made new for every feast; nor is one and the same song 
sung at two several festivals. Some one of the nation, which has 
the best gift of expressing their designs, is appointed by their king 
and war captains to make these songs." To these festivals the 
people came from all the towns within 50 or 60 m., ''where they buy 
and sell several commodities." 

The Tuscarora, in Hke measure with the northern Iroquois, were 
passionately given to gaming, frequently stripping one another of 
every piece of property available. Sometimes they went even so 
far as to bet themselves away to the winner, readily becoming his 
slave until he or his relatives could pay the redemption price; never- 
theless they bore their losses with great equanimity, no matter how 
ruinous they were. Among their games was that of a bundle of 51 
spHt reeds about 7 in. in length and neatly made. The game con- 
sisted in throwing a part of the bundle before an opponent, who 
must on sight guess the number thrown. It is said that experts 
were able to tell the number correctly ten times in ten throws. A 
set of these reeds was valued at a dressed doeskin. The Tus-^arora 
also had the well-known bowl and plum-seed game, which is such 
an important adjunct to the thanksgiving festivals of the northern 
Iroquois. They also had a number of other games, but some of their 
neighbors had games which they did not have. 

There were feasts among the Tuscarora when several villages 
united to celebrate some event or when two or more tribes assembled 
to negotiate peace. There were feasts and dances of thanksgiving, 
and invocations to the gods that watched over their harvests, when 
their crops were garnered and when the first fruits of the year were 
gathered. 

Population. — No trustworthy estimates of the Tuscarora popula- 
tion at any given date, exclusive of those of Lawson and Barnwell, 
previous to 1830, are available for the entire Tuscarora people. The 
earliest and perhaps most authoritative estimate of the total Tusca- 
rora population at a given time was that of Lawson in 1708. His esti- 
mate of 15 towns and 1,200 fighting men would indicate a population 
of about 4,800 at that date; Col. Barnwell's figures are somewhat 
larger than Lawson's, though they appear to be conservative; his 
estimate was 1,200 to 1,400 warriors, or a maximum population of 
about 5,600 persons. The estimate of Chauvignerie in 1736 was 250 
warriors, or about 1,000 persons. His estimate was restricted to the 
Tuscarora living near Oneida, N. Y., hence did not include those living 
in North Carolina or on the Susquehanna and Juniata rs. Other esti- 
mates of this group give them 1,000 (1765), 2,000 (1778), 1,000 (1783) 
400 (1796), in the United States; 414 (1885) in New York and an equal 
number in Canada, or a total of 828; 364 (1909) in New York, and 
416 (1910) in Canada, a total of 780. 



nSTDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 195 

Settlements. — The following Tuscarora to^\^ls have been mentioned 
in writings pertaining to this people: Annaooka, Chunaneets, Coern- 
tha, Cohunche, Conauhkare, Contahnah, Cotechney, Coram, Corutra, 
Eno, Ganasaraga, Ganatisgowa, Harooka, Harutawaqni, Ingaren, 
Junastriyo, Jutaneaga, Kanhato, Kaunehsuntahkeh, Kenta, Kenta- 
nuska, Naiirheglme, Nonawharitse, Niirsoorooka, Nyuchirhaan, 
Ohagi, Oonossora, Oneida (in part), Oqiiaga, Shawhiangto, Tasqui, 
Tiochcrungwe, Tonarooka, Torhunte, Tosneoc, Tuscarora, Unanau- 
han, Ucoulmerunt. Some of these towns were in North Carolina, 
others on Juniata r. in Pennsylvania, others on the Susquehanna in 
Pennsylvania, others on the Susquehanna in New York, while others 
were s. of Oneida Lake in New York, and one in Genessee Valley. The 
exact situation of the majority of these towns is not definitely known. 
In some instances the Tuscarora shared a town vidth other tribes, as 
was the case at Anajot (Oneida, or Ganowarohare) and Onohoquaga. 

Treaties. — The Tuscarora have taken part in the foUo^dng treaties 
between the United States and the Six Nations: Ft. Stanwix, N. Y., 
Oct. 22, 1784; Ft. Harmar, Ohio, Jan. 9, 1789; Canandaigua (Kon- 
ondaigua), N. Y., Nov. 11, 1794; Oneida, N. Y., Dec. 2, 1794; Buffalo 
Creek, N. Y., Jan. 15, 1838. 

For further information consult Elias Johnson (native Tuscarora), 
Legends, Traditions and Laws of the Iroquois, or Six Nations, and 
History of the Tuscorora Indians, 1881; Documents Relating to the 
Colonial History of Nev\^ York, I-XI, 1855-61; Documentary History 
of New York, I-IV, 1849-51; Pennsylvania Archives, I-XII, 1852-56 
Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania (Colonial Records), 
I-XVI, 1852-53; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Maga- 
zine, I-X, especially IX and X; Virginia Magazine, I-XV, 1893-1908; 
Lawson, History of CaroHna, 1714, repr. 1860; Publications of the 
Buffalo Hist. Soc, especially Vol. VI. (j. x. b. h.) 



h 



EXHIBIT I. 

HISTORY OF THE OLD CHERAWS. 

[From Gregg's History of the old Cheraws.] 

Chapter I. 

Fndian tribes in Carolina — Extent of their territory — Other tribes — Pedees — 
Kadapaws — Localities of each — Their origin — Advent of the Catawbaa — Their 
tradition — Subsequent relation to tribes on the Pedee — Lederer's narrative — 
Localities identified — Sara, where — First mention in public records of tribes 
on the Pedee — Visit of the Cheraws to Charlestown — Governor's visit to the 
Congerees — Interview with Pedees — Governor Glenn writes to Governor Clinton — 
Evans's Journal — Cheraws visit Charlestown — Smallpox prevails — Removal 
of Cheraws and union with Catawbas — Catawba History — Languages of tribes 
on the Pedee — Meaning of " Cheraw "— " Pedee " — Indian remains on the Pedee — 
Indian habits and customs — Lawson's narrative — Last of Cheraws and Catawbas. 

There is a sad chapter in the history of the New World: it is 
that relating to the aborigines of America — a people, as all accounts 
agree, distinguished for many noble traits, but invariably degenerat- 
ing in character and habit as they have come in contact with the 
"pale-faces," and taken up their mournful line of march toward 
the setting sun. 

When first known to the colonists, South Carolina is said to have 
contained not less than 28 tribes of Indians, with settlements 
extending from the ocean to the mountains. Of these tribes but 
a few names survive to mark the localities they once inhabited; 
and these, with such scattered remains as the waste of time and the 
leveling work of the white man have spared, are the only memorials 
left to teU of their early occupancy of the soil. Of the tribes which 
dwelt upon the Pedee and its tributaries, the Saras, or Saraws, as 
they were first called — afterwards Charrows, Charraws, and Cheraws — 
occupied the region still identified by the name; their territory 
extending thence to the coast, and along the coast from the Cape 
Fear to the Pedee. This extensive region has been assigned to the 
Cheraws by one of the most eminent ethnologists of America, as 
among the sites of the Indian tribes when first known to the Euro- 
peans, about the year 1600, along the coast of the Atlantic.^ 

If such was the extent of their territory at that early period, it 
would indicate a population which must have been greatly diminished, 
when, upon the approach of the Catawbas, a haK century later, the 
supremacy of the Cheraws over the smaller tribes around them, and 
even over their own distinct nationality, would seem to have been 
lost, or at least unacknowledged. Within these early territorial 
limits of the Cheraws, and along the middle and lower parts of the 
valley of the river, must be assigned the Pedees; and about the 
mouth of the river, the Winyaws. The Kadapaws were found on 
Lynches Creek, after the name of which tribe that stream was called 

' See map annexed, by the late Albert Gallatin, Vol. I, of Transactions of American Ethnological Society, 
196 



IN"DIA]^S OF NOETH CAEOLIISJ-A. 



197 




Map of the sites of the Cheraws and Catawbas. rrom Gregg's History of the Old Cheraws. 



198 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 




i#2 






0/ 






% V. 



%.. 



CoTirtll, , 
House wj' 






^■"^f 

^<>^ 



Court Ho\ \ ^^ 












KIN GST I 



V7\ 



SVMatM 
hurc 



^S^MJarks 







ftinceTredericksys ; ""\,^ /Tt V*'^ 



AND PARTS ADJACEM 

Taken fi'om Map in Cairoirs 
Historical ColLcctians o!" Soufli CaroQiaa. 




A MAP OF 



Map of Cheraws precinct. From Gregg's History of the old Cheraws. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 199 

in the Indian tongue. Of these, the Cheraws — however they may 
have been diminished in number by disease and war, or perchance 
by some dismemberment of their nation, and the removal of many, 
01 which no record or tradition remains — continued to be the domi- 
nant race on the Pedee; the others having ever been reckoned among 
the smaller and inferior tribes. Of their origin nothing is known 
beyond the conjectures of ethnologists. They have been assigned, 
but upon what grounds does not appear, to the extensive family of 
Algonkins. These occupied that portion of North America on the 
east extending from 35° to 60° north latitude, and reaching along 
the northern line of extension almost to the Pacific on the west. 
Beyond this, as the track of aboriginal descent and migration begins 
to be traced back, even conjecture is lost in a sea of uncertainty. 

The tribes on the Pedee continued in their feeble and discon- 
nected state (the Cheraws maintaining the supremacy) until the 
arrival of the Catawbas from the north, with the history of whom 
their own was ever after to be inseparably blended. 

According to their tradition,^ as it has been handed douTi to 
very recent times, the Catawbas, at a period prior or not long sub- 
sequent to the discovery and settlement of North America by the 
whites, occupied a region far to the northward, from whence, in 
course of time, they removed to the south. Being a numerous and 
warhke race, they vanquished the tribes with whom they came suc- 
cessively in confhct on the way, until they met the Cherokees on the 
banks of the river, afterwards called by their own name, Catawba. 

Here, as the tradition relates, a sanguinary battle ensued between 
them, which lasted from morning until night, darkness alone serving 
to put an end to the conflict. The loss on both sides was hea%^, 
though neither party gained the victory. They slept on the field 
of blood among their dead and wounded. With the approach of 
morning, propositions of peace were made by the Catawbas and 
accepted by the Cherokees. According to the terms of the agree- 
ment, the former were to occupy the country east of the river, and 
the latter the territory on the west. Here they solemnly agreed to 
live together as brothers ; and, after burying their dead, and erectmg 
pUes of stones as monuments alike to their common loss and of the 
peace and friendship estabhshed between them, returned to their 
encampments, ever afterwards sacredly observing the terms of the 
compact. This tradition of the Catawbas is confirmed throughout 
by the fuUer details which ethnological research has added to their 
history. They appear to have been a Canadian tribe, and to have 
left their ancient home about the year 1650, pursued by the Conne- 
wangas, a superior and more warhke tribe, with whom they had 
come in conflict. Forced thus to remove, they turned their faces 
to the southward, and fought their way, when necessary to do so, 
until they approached the headwaters of the Kentucky River. 
Here a separation took place, the larger number becoming absorbed 
in the great families of the Chickasaws and Choctaws. 

The remainder of the tribe stopped in what was afterwards known 
as Bottetourt County, Va., but without making any permanent 
settlement. 

1 For this interesting traditional account, as given hy the Catawbas, the author is indebted to W. H. 
Thomas, Esq., of Qualla Town, N. C, who has been intimately connected with them, as their head man, 
or chief, since their removal to the western part of that State. 



200 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

They removed thence in the year 1660, continuing their journey to 
the south, and, as Adair wrote, 

settled on the east side of a broad, purling river, that heads in the great blue ridge of 
mountains, and empties itself into San tee River, in Amelia township, then running 
eastward of Charlestown, disgorges itself into the Atlantic. 

On the banks of this river, the Eswa Tavora (as it was called in the 
Indian tongue), they met the Cherokees, whose extensive territory 
ran thence to the westward, and there followed the sanguinary con- 
flict, of which some account has been given. 

In this battle 1,000 of the bravest warriors were lost on each side, 
greatly reducing the force of the Catawbas, and doubtless making a 
permanent impression on their spirit as a warlike race, for which they 
had been so celebrated in the earlier periods of their history. 

How the approach of the Catawbas was regarded by the Cheraws, 
and whether any conflict ensued between them, tradition does not 
inform us. The approach of a strong and formidable tribe was 
generally regarded by the Indians as a hostile demonstration and 
claim to dominion. Already, doubtless, the decline of the Cheraws 
had commenced and made such progress as to unfit them for con- 
testing the claim to supremacy. It was to be the story of a con- 
tinuous decline, and of a race scattered or absorbed into another 
superior to themselves, the beginning of the last and most mournful 
chapter in their history. A portion of the Cheraws, however, must 
have remained distinct and mdependent for more than a century 
later, as will be found in tracing their subsequent course. They 
were henceforth to be wanderers, the remains of their once extensive 
dominion, with those of the smaller tribes around them, having 
passed away to the Catawbas. The territory of the latter was placed 
in 34° north latitude, being bounded on the north and northeast by 
North Carolina; on the east and south by South Carolina; and 
about west and southwest by the Cherokee nation.^ 

The smaller tribes on the waters of the Pedee, appear after this 
period to have had but a nominal existence. They had doubtless 
degenerated through the operation of those wasting and destructive 
agencies at work in the history of the aboriginal races; and, in ad- 
dition, had undergone the process, common among the Indians, of 
becoming absorbed in their conquerors or in the larger tribes around 
them. 

In this instance they were merged chiefly in the Catawbas. About 
the year 1743, the language of the Catawbas is said to have con- 
sisted of 20 different dialects, of which the "Katahba" was the 
standard, or court dialect, the "Cherah" being another. Scarcely 
anything beyond a bare allusion to them by name is found relating 
to the tribes on the Pedee in the earliest accounts of the Indians of 
Carolina. With the exception of the Cheraws, they were reckoned 
among the smaller and inferior tribes, most of whom had then greatly 
degenerated and were rapidly approaching extinction. Brief allu- 
sions are found at an early period to the several tribes in the acts of 
the assembly, passed for the regulation and support of the Indian 
trade. The larger tribes on the northern and western boundaries of 
the Province engaged the attention of the Government almost ex- 

1 Adair, p. 224. 



INDIANS or NORTH CAROLINA. 201 

clusively. The Catawbas formed a sort of barrier against their in- 
cursions, and of them there is frequent mention. 

Of the Cheraws the first distinct relation in any contemporaneous 
record, is found in the explorations of John Lederer, 'in three 
several marches from Virginia to the west of Carolina and other 

Earts of the Continent; begun in March, 1669, and ended in Septem- 
er, 1670."^ 

Such at least is the case if we are to understand by ''Sara," as 
he writes it, the locality of the "Saraws," as they were sometimes 
called, or Cheraw Indians. Thus, in one of his journeys, Lederer 
says: 

I departed from Watery the one-and-twentieth of June, and keeping a west course 
for near thirty miles, I came to Sara. Here I found th.e ways more level and easy. I 
did likewise, to my no small admiration, find hard cakes of white salt among them; 
but whether they were made of sea-water or taken out of saltpits I know not, but am 
apt to believe tke latter, because the sea is so remote from them. From Sara I kept a 
southwest course until the five-and-twentieth of June, and then I reached Wisacky. 
This three days' march was more troublesome to me than all my travels besides, for 
the direct way which I took from Sara to Wisacky is over a continued marsh over- 
grown with weeds, from whose roots spring knotty stumps, as hard and sharp as flint. 

I was forced to lead my horse most part of the way, and wonder that he was not 
either plunged in the bogs or lamed by those rugged knots. This nation is subject to 
a neighbor king residing upon the bank of a great lake called Ushery, en^-ironed of 
all sides with mountains and Wisacky marsh.^ 

There is great difficulty throughout Lederer's narrative, as Dr. 
Hawks more than once remarks, in determ in ing the routes by which 
he passed and the localities described. If by "Watery," the Wateree 
of the present day is to be understood, he could not by going west 
30 miles to "Wisacky," and thence three days' march by a 
southwest course to "Ushery," ha^e reached the Santee; for by 
"Ushery" the Santee was meant, if the authority quoted by Dr. 
Hawks is correct: Col. Byrd, he adds, says that the Indians living 
on the Santee River were called "Usheries." If, on the other hand, 
amid the confusion of names which could not have been very well 
defined at that early period, we may understand by "Watery" the 
Pedee of the present day, a journey of 30 miles to the west would 
have brought Lederer to Lynche's Creek, the "Wisacky," and three 
days' march from thence southwestwardly along the swamp of 
Wateree, would have enabled him to reach the Santee, environed by 
the "High HiUs" which have since become so famous, called by this 
early explorer, "Mountains," and with an almost impenetrable 
swamp of vast extent, to which his description of a "marsh over- 
grown with reeds," would very well answer. 

In support of this view, we find in Oldmixon's History of Caro- 
lina, published in 1708, reason for supposing that the Pedee was then 
callecl by that name (Watery). Describing the six counties into 
which Carolina, North and South, was then divided, he begins with 
Albemarle, on the borders of Virginia. Then follows an account of 
Clarendon County, in which, he says: 

is the famous promontory, called also Cape Fear, at the mouth of Clarendon River, 
called also Cape Fear River. The next river is named Waterey River, or Winyan, 
about twenty-five leagues distant from Ashley River: it is capable of receiving large 

I For a full account of this early American traveler, the reader is referred to Dr. Hawks' History of North 
Carolina, Vol. n, pp. 43-63, with maps annexed. 
« Hawks's History of North Carolina, Vol. II, p. 49. 



202 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

ships, but inferior to Port Royal, nor is yet inhabited. There is another small river 
called Wingon River, and a little settlement honoured with the name of Charles-town, 
but so thinly inhabited that 'tis not worth taking notice of. We come now to South 
Carolina, which, is parted from North by Zantee River. The adjacent county ia 
called Craven County.^ 

It is evident that the "Waterey" here spoken of, was the Wacca- 
maw, or the lower Pedee, and not the Wateree of the present day. 

The Pedee being a much longer stream than the Waccamaw, it 
is not impossible that though the latter was known by the name of 
Waterey, or Winy an near its mouth, the former being supposed to 
form its extension higher up, was also in like manner designated. Dr. 
Hawks remarks: 

Watery, Sara, Wisacky, and Ushery, would all appear to have been in South Caro- 
lina, the last directly west of Charles- town. If he made his journey then, entering the 
State somewhere in Robeson County, he must have crossed in a south-western line, 
and passing through Robeson County into South Carolina, must have traversed that 
State also in its entire width. The time occupied would not have been sufficient for 
it. Lederer's Itinerary presents difficulties which we confess we cannot satisfactorily 
solve.^ 

If, as is here conjectured, Lederer passed through Robeson County 
into South Carolina, the supposition we have made will appear 
the more probable. And it brings to light the fact never before 
suggested or imagined, perhaps, that the Pedee in the earlier days of 
aboriginal history was known as "Sara." If it was so, the time and 
reason of the change to Pedee can be left to conjecture only. 

It might have taken place after the advent of the Catawbas and 
been brought about by them in order that such a standing memorial 
of the "Sara" dominion might be forever obliterated; or, what is yet 
more probable, the "Sara" territory, once embracing the region 
higher up but afterwards confined to the coast, the Pedees, if suc- 
ceeding to it, would naturally have called the river after their own 
name. 

The earliest mention in the provincial records of any of the tribes 
inhabiting the Valley of the Pedee, is found in the proceedings of the 
Council or Upper House of Assembly, December 15th, 1732.^ It is in 
these words : 

Mr. Sanders and Mr. Waties came from the Lower House with the following mes- 
sage. We herewith send your excellency a letter of great moment to this Govern- 
ment, relating to the murder of a Pedee Indian by one Kemp. We desire your excel- 
lency to take the proper measures to prevent the ill consequences of it by causing the 
offender to be apprehended and brought to justice, or otherwise as your excellency 
shall see fit. 

Upon reading the message from the Lower House of Assembly, and 
likewise the letter therein mentioned, complaining that one Kemp, 
or Camp, an overseer at Black River, or Georgetown, has barbarously 
murdered one of the Pedee Indians. 

Ordered, That James Neale, Esq., provost marshal, do immediately attach the said 
Kemp, or Camp, and bring him before his excellency the governor, in Charlestown, 
to be dealt with according to law, and that all constables and other officers and sub- 
jects of His Majesty be aiding and assisting to the said provost marshal in the execu- 
tion of this order. 

1 Oldmixon's History, in Carroll's Collections, Vol. II, p. 446. 

SHawks's History of North Carolina, Vol. II, p. 52. 

'Council Journal, No. 5, p. 258, secretary of state's office, Columbia. 



INDIANS OP NORTH CABOLINA. 203 

This proceeding of the House was based upon the following facts : 

Appeared before this board, Thomas Burton and Wm. Kemp, and upon the affidavit 
of Thomas Burton, and the information of Wm. Kemp concerning the fact of an Indian 
fellow being killed, name Corn- White Johnny, his excellency issued the following 
order: "On the 17th January, 1733, in council, upon hearing this day the information 
of William Kemp, relating to the death of Com- White Johnny, and the affidavit of 
Thomas Burton, it is ordered that King Harry, Captain Billy, George and Dancing 
Johnny, and some of the relations of the deceased, be and appear before me the second 
Wednesday in February next ensuing, to give an account of what they know of the 
death of the said Indian, and that Wm. Kemp do attend at the same time; likewise 
that Mr. John Thompson, jun., is desired to acquaint the said Indians of this order. 

This record is of interest now as evincing the jealuos care exercised 
by the Provincial Government for the protection of those scattered 
and defenseless remnants of the Indian tribes whose domain was fast 
passing away from them and who continued faithful to the whites to 
the close of their history. 

Of the result of the proceedings referred to no further account 
appears. 

We have next a brief but interesting notice ^ of a visit made to 
Charlestown by a few of the leading men of the Cheraws and Catawbas 
m July, 1739. 

On Saturday last, 
said the Gazette of that day, 

arrived in this town eleven of the chief men among the Catawbas and Cheraw Indians, 
who came to pay a visit to his honour the lieutenant governor and inform him that some 
time since a party of their people went out to war, and not meeting with their enemies 
had cut off a white family on the borders of Vhginia; that upon complaint made to 
them of the said barbarous murder they examined into the facts and had put five of 
the ringleaders to death; and that they were determined to prosecute in the same 
rigorous manner any of their people who for the futiire should be found guilty of the 
like cruel practices. They met with a kind reception from his honour the lieutenant 
governor, and having received the usual presents from the country they set out this 
day on their return home, well pleased and content. 

The signal punishment visited by these tribes upon the murderers 
of the whites indicated their fidelity to the Provmcial Government, 
which continued to be as true as it was lasting. 

Of the Pedees mention is made a few years later. 

In council March 2, 1743, his excellency the governor signed the following order 
to Mr. Commissary Dart, viz, to provide for the Pedee Indians now in town the fol- 
lowing particulars, viz : 

Presents. — To the three head men, each of them, a gun and knife; to the others, 
each of them, a knife. For the three women, each of them, a looking-glass, twenty 
bullets, half a pound vermilion to be divided among them. 

Also, an order on Col. Brewton for ten pounds of gunpowder for use of said Indians.- 

The Pedees are mentioned again with the Catawbas in the following 
year. "In council, 25th Julj^, 1744, the governor admitted four 
Pedee Indians to an interview in the council chamber, who informed 
his excellency that seven Catawbas had been barbarously murdered 
by the Notchee Indians, who live among them," which horrible deed 
having been confirmed by Mr. Matthew Beard, who lives at Goose 
Creek, who had certain intelligence of the same, saying that the said 
Catawbas being drunk near FuUer Cowpen, near the four holes, seven 

1 South Carolina Gazette, June 30— July 7, 1739. For access to this invaluable historical collection— a 
complete file of the old Gazettes, commencing about 1730— the author is indebted to the courtesy of A. H. 
Mazycii, Esq., of the Charleston Library. Only a few of the earlier numbers of the Gazette are missing. 
At a later period a small portion was burned. 

•Council Journal, No. 11, p. 133. 



204 INDIAN'S OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

of them while asleep were murdered by the No tehees; which affair 
beinoj taken into consideration, his excellency, by the advice of 
His Majesty's council, ordered the following letter to be dispatched 
away relating to that subject: 

So. Ca., July 28, 1744. 

Sm: I have received information of an unlucky accident which happened about a 
week ago, at or near the store belonging to the late Major Fuller, somewhere about the 
Four Holes, where some Notchee Indians have fallen upon and killed five or six of 
the Catawbas, being instigated thereto by a person who keeps that store. The Cataw- 
bas, as I understand, have already set out to take their revenge, which has obliged 
the Notchees and Pedees to come further down among the settlements for shelter. 
I must therefore desire the favor of you to interpose in this matter, and to prevent, as 
far as you are able, any bloodshed, till this matter is fully enquired into. Then the 
guilty may be punished, and if you find it necessary, to interpose with the nailitia in 
your parts to keep the peace. This I write at the desire of His Majesty's council. 
I hear they are at Mr. Beard's plantation, in the neighborhood. 
I am, with truth, yours, 

James Glen.' 

To Hon. Wm. Mlddleton, Esq. 

About two years after this, the governor, as was usual when any 
difficulty occurred with the Indians, or to preserve their friendship 
and maintam a due influence over them, made a visit into the inte- 
rior, at a certain place on the Congarees, appointed by him for an 
interview with the Catawbas, of which the following account was pre- 
served : ^ 

The governor arrived at Congarees 27 April, 140 miles distance hence, where, on the 
bank of the Santee, the king and a few of the head men met him. Yenabe Yalang- 
way, the king — the old leader, Captain Taylor, Nafkebee, and some others awaited 
on his excellency. The next day the governor addressed them. A place being 
erected for the governor to sit under, and the union flag hoisted, our men were drawn 
out in two lines, through which the Indians marched, when they were received with 
drums beating and colours flying, and saluted with some small pieces of cannon; 
after they had all taken the governor by the hand, and the king with some of his 
headmen, had placed himself near his excellency, a person was sworn truly to inter- 
pret all that should pass betwixt the governor and the Indians; and then Ms excel- 
lency addressed them in words, the purport of which was to dissuade them from 
agreeing to a proposition which had been made to them by some of the other Indian 
nations to join in a French war against the people of Carolina. After which, presents 
were distributed, consisting chiefly of powder, guns, pistols, paint, &c. The gov- 
ernor had that morning received an express from Mr. Brown (who trades amongst the 
Catawbas) acquainting hi m that some of the Pedees and Cheraws (two small tribes 
who have long been incorporated with the Catawbas), intended to leave them, which 
might prove of dangerous consequence at a time when they were so closely attacked 
by their enemies, the Northern Indians. Mr. Brown therefore entreated that, if pos- 
sible, such a separation might be prevented. 

The governor ordered the rammers of all the pistols which he had delivered to the 
Indians to be laid upon the table, desiring that such as were Pedees and Cliarraws 
might advance, and they, being in a body near him, he spoke to them in these words: 
"It gives me great concern, my friends, to hear that you entertain the least thought 
of leaving the Catawbas, with whom you have been so long and so closely united. 
This union makes you strong, and enables you to defend yourselves and annoy your 
enemies; but should you ever separate, you would thereby weaken yourselves, and 
be exposed to every danger. Consider that if you were single and divided, you 
may be broke as easily as I break this stick" (at the same time breaking one of the 
rammers); "but if you continue united together, and stand by one another, it will 
be as impossible to hurt or break you, as it is impossible for me to break these," (his 
excellency then taking up a handful of rammers) . 

After this, they all promised to continue together in their camp. The governor 
then directed himself to the king of the Catawbas, telling him that he would expect 
his answer. To which the king replied at some length, assuring the governor of their 
friendship and fidelity. 

1 Council Journal, No. ] 1, pp. 413, 414. 2 Gazette, June 2, 1746. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 205 

The pledge of fidelity renewed on this occasion was faithfully observed by these 
Indians throughout all their subsequent history. Though often tempted by artful 
representations and large promises to take up arms against the people of Carolina, 
they could never be persuaded to do so. Throughout the Indian wars, and the con- 
test with the mother country, they continued steadfast in their devotion to their 
early friends and allies, well meriting the aid and protection extended to them by 
the State in the latter stages of their decline and weakness. 

That the Pedees owned slaves will appear from the following notice, published in 
the Gazette of the day, August 30-September 6, 1748: 

Taken up by Michael Welch, overseer to the subscriber, on an island called Uchee 
Island, a Negro fellow, who gives the following account of himself, \dz, that he be- 
longed formerly to Mr. Fuller, and was by Mm sold to Billy, king of the Pedee 
Indians; that the Catawba Indians took him from King Billy, and carried him to 
their nation; and that in endeavoring to make his escape from the Catawbas, he was 
lost in the woods, and had been so a considerable time before he was taken. He is a 
middle-sized fellow, and a little pot-bellied; says his name is Fortune, but is sus- 
pected to have another name which he does not care to own. Any person having any 
right or property in the said fellow may apply to the subscriber, now in Charlestown. 

Isaac Marksdale. 

The Pedees and other smaller tribes, who now led a wandering life, 
were in constant danger of being enticed off by the more powerful 
and hostile nations of Indians, to join them in their predatory 
excursions. 

The following letters indicate the anxiety felt on the subj ect by the 
Catawbas, as well as by the Provincial Government at this period. 
The first ^ was addressed by the king of the Catawbas to his excel- 
lency, James Glen, Esq.: 

There are a great many Pedee Indians living in the settlements that we want to 
come and settle amongst us. We desire for you to send for them, and ad"\dse them to 
this, and give them this string of wampum in token that we want them to settle here, 
and will always live like brothers with them. The Northern Indians want them all 
to settle with us; for, as they are now at peace, they may be hunting in the woods or 
etraggHng about, killed by some of them, except they join us, and make but one nation, 
which will be a great addition of strength to us. 

The (his x mark) King. 

Catawbas, 21st November, 1752. 

During the previous year, viz, May 24, 1751, Gov. Glen had written 
to Gov. Clinton, of New York, respecting the Congress of Indians 
to be holden at Albany, for the purpose of uniting the different 
friendly tribes, and preserving their friendship as a bulwark against 
the more hostile. Of that letter, the follo'^dng extract will sufhce: 

Our first care ought to be to make all Indians that are friends with the English 
friends also among themselves; and for that reason I hope you and the other governors 
and commissioners will heartily join your interest in remo^ving all the obstacles to a 
peace, in reconciling all the differences, and cementing together in a closer union 
the northern and southern Indians, under the name of Norw'^- Indians. I include 
not only the six nations, the Delewares, the Susquehanna Indians, but all the different 
tribes who may be in friendship with them, particularly those on the Ohio River; 
as under the name of Southward Indians, I comprehend the Cherokees, the Catawbas, 
the Creeks (called sometimes Muscogee), the Chickasaws, and such part of the Choctaws 
as are in our interest, and all tribes in friendship with these nations, or that live 
amongst om- settlements, such as Charraws, Uchees, Pedees, Notches, Cape Fears, 
or other Indians; and I hope that all prisoners on each side will be mutually delivered 
back. 2 

On the 14th of October, 1755, John Evans made a visit to the 
Catawbas, by order of his excellency. Gov. Glen. From his journal 

' Indian Book, Vol. Ill, pp. 163, 164, in secretary of state's oflQce, Columbia, S. C. 
> Indian Book, Vol. H, p. 96. 



206 IKDIAFS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

the following extracts are taken, and will be found chiefly interesting 
here, as containing some information respecting the Pedees: 

October 17th. — Met a Catawba man and woman, and informed by them, that in the 
summer, the Cherrackees and Notchees had killed some Pedees and Waccamaws in 
the white people's settlements. 

18th. — I got into the Catawbas. King Hazier was gone a hunting the day before; 
the next morning they sent for him, and he came in that night. 

Before he got into the nation, I made it my care to inquire of the Pedees if they 
could not tell what people killed the Pedees at Goose Creek, where the boys were 
that was taken prisoners: answered, "They could not tell who they were, but under- 
stood it was the Notchees and Cherokees that did the mischief." 

21st.- — The king and head man met, and desired to know what I was come for. 
I told them that there was two Pedee women killed and scalped, and two boys carried 
away from out of the settlements, and that it was done by some of their nation; and 
one Notchee, which was called the Notchee Doctor, and his excellency, the governor, 
had sent me to demand the boys; and I then and there demanded these boys. I 
further acquainted them that his excellency, the governor, desired that they would 
not come into the settlements without they were sent for. The white people might 
mistake them, and do them a mischief, believing them to be enemy Indians. I 
further said, that it was his excellency, the governor's pleasure, that the Catawba 
people should not attempt to carry away any of the Indians that are now living in the 
settlements up to their nation on any pretence whatever without his permission first. 
Theii" answer was, that old men should always speak truth; and the most of them were 
grey-headed; and they, for their parts, did not hurt the Pedees, and did not know or 
believe the mischief was done by any belonging to that nation; and further said, 
that when the Northward Indians were in their nation, they bound the same three 
women and two men; and the Catawbas released the three women, but the Northward 
Indians carried the men away. 

22nd. — I set out from the Catawba nation homeward, and at night came to a camp of 
Pedees. I acquainted them with my errand to the nation, and desired them to let 
me know, if they could, who it was that killed and scalped the Pedee women, and 
carried the boys away. Lewis Jones, their chief, answered, that soon after the Pedees 
were killed, he went down from the nation to the settlements to inquire what harm 
was done by Goose Creek. He met a Pedee Indian, named Prince, who lived in the 
settlements; and Piince told him, that a day or two before the mischief was done, 
there was five Cherokees and one Notchee seen to go by Monck's Corner, and Lewis 
John said, he did believe they scalped the women, and carried the boys away.^ 

The Cheraws, following the example of the Catawbas, were true to 
the EngUsh, as they continued to be to the colonists throughout 
the Revolution and afterwards. 

They cheerfully endured the hardships of distant journeys when 
called upon for aid. In the South Carolina Gazette of June 2, 1759, 
this account was given : 

On Tuesday last, 45 Charraws, part of a nation of Indians incorporated with the 
Catawbas, arrived in town, headed by King Johnny, who brought to the governor the 
scalp of a French Indian, which he had taken near Loyal-Henning. He and several 
others that are with him here, were with Gen. Forbes during the whole expedition 
against Fort Du Quesne. There chief business seems to be, to see his excellency 
and receive presents. 

In the latter part of this year the great scourge of the red man 
appeared amongst them and carried off many Indans in this part of 
the Province. In the Gazette of December 8-15, 1759, was this sad 
account of its ravages : 

It is pretty certain that the smallpox has lately raged with great violence among the 
Catawba Indians, and that it has carried off near one-half of that nation, by throwing 
themselves into the river as soon as they found themselves ill. This distemper has 
since appeared among the inhabitants at the Charraws and Waterees, where many 
families are down, so that unless especial care is taken, it must soon spread through 

» Indian Book, Vol. V, pp. 94, 95. 



Il^DIANS OF NOETH CAROLHSTA. 207 

the whole countrv^ the consequences of which are much to be dreaded. The smallpox 
went almost through the Province in the year 1738, when it made prodigious havoc, 
and has ever since been kept out of it by the salutary laws enacted for that purpose. 

So destructive and rapidly extermi native had been this disease 
among the Indians from its first introduction that its appearance 
brought on a spirit of frenzy and desperation. Ignorant and grossly 
superstitious, they regarded it as a visible embodiment of the Spirit 
of Evil — the sentence of wrath from heaven let loose upon them, from 
which there was no escape. In this state of mind the disease found 
abundant food for keeping itself alive and completing the work of 
destruction. The white families at the ''Charraws" and '' Waterees," 
who appear to have suffered severely at this period, were doubtless 
unprepared for such a visitant, and having not the means of preven- 
tion or cure at command, yielded for a time, hke their savage neigh- 
bors, to the fell destroyer. At a later period, about the time of the 
Revolution, some of the Catawba warriors having visited Charlestown, 
there contracted the disease again, and returniug, communicated it to 
their nation, which, according to contemporaneous accounts, came 
well nigh being exterminated. It was after this, having been sorely 
thinned by disease, that they were advised by their friends to invite 
the Cheraws to move up and unite with them as one tribe. The 
Cheraws here spoken of by the writers of the day must have been a 
part of the tribe which had maintained its independence probably in 
the region lower down the Pedee or on the coast, where they led a 
proud but feeble existence. That some of them should have refused to 
submit to what must have seemed to be the yoke of a foreign invader 
is not surprising. But their doom was sealed. No longer able to 
maintain their isolated sway, or to resist the destructive agencies at 
work among them, a weak and declining remnant, Uke the Catawbas 
themselves, they gladly accepted the invitation to unite their future 
with that of their brethren who had gone before them. 

And now was seen their last journey as the representatives of a 
nation of ancient renown. 

Mournful as it was short, the march was soon ended; and hence- 
forth these broken fragments were to constitute but one nation, under 
the name of Catawbas. For awhile, as at the first, the Cheraws 
retained their own language, though ordinarily using the Catawba. 

They Uved in harmony together, their early feuds forgotten, and 
the jealousies of other days obhterated by those conmion wants and 
saddened recollections which were henceforth to mark their dechning 
history. Within the memory of persons now living a few of the 
Cheraws have visited the upper Pedee, to take a last look at the locah- 
ties which their own traditions had identified as the homes of their 
fathers. About the year 1700 the Catawbas numbered 1,500 warriors. 
Only a half century later this proud band had dwindled away to 400. 
Their principal settlement about this latter period was on the Wateree, 
where their country was described as being '' an old waste field, seven 
miles in extent, with several others of smaller dimensions; which 
shows," it was added, ''that they were formerly a numerous people, 
to cultivate so much land, with their dull stone axes, before they had 
an opportunity of trading with the Enghsh, or allowed others to incor- 
porate with them." ^ 

' Adair. 



208 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

In 1787 they were the only organized tribe, under a distinct name 
of its own, in South Carohna. 

Their town, "Catawba," contained then about 450 inhabitants, of 
which not more than 150 were fighting men. In 1798 they are said to 
have been in the habit of holding an anniversary meeting of a sadly 
interesting character. It was intended to commemorate their former 
greatness by recounting the numbers and deeds of their ancestors, of 
which tradition had kept them informed.^ Well might the Catawbas 
have been proud of their history. And well may South Carolina 
cherish the memory of a people who maintained their friendship and 
their active devotion inviolate throughout the long and trying period 
of conflicts waged successively with savage foes, and those of the same 
language and blood who came to reduce their American brethren to a 
state of worse than colonial vassalage ! 

Of the liberal provision made for the Catawbas in later times by 
the Legislature of South Carolina it is unnecessary to speak. 

A portion of them had removed at an earlier period to Buncombe 
County, N. C, west of the Blue Ridge, and thither the miserable 
remnant, with few exceptions, followed a few years since. Reduced 
in numbers by disease and intermarriage, by the contracted territory 
to which they had been confined while yet unfitted, by the slow 
process through which the Indian must always pass, for agricultural 
pursuits; and withal, by those habits of idleness and dissipation 
which the custom of leasing their lands to the whites, and the con- 
sequent want of employment had subjected them; drunken and 
wandering from place to place, their condition became as abject as 
it had once been elevated among the red men of Carolina. "In 
this rapidly declining tribe," says an eminent authority of recent 
times, "we behold the remnant of the defeated, long-lost, and cele- 
brated tribe of the Eries." It is hoped that their history, in the 
materials of which the public records of the State abound, wiU one 
day, as it deserves, be fuUy written. 

Of the languages of the Indian tribes once inhabiting the valley 
of the Pedee scarce a vestige is left, except the names of the rivers 
and a few localities. The same remark may be made of all the tribes 
which were found at the first approaches of the white man on the 
coast of Carohna, from Cape Hatteras to the Savannah.^ 

Of the meaning of "Cheraw," reasoning from the affinities of the 
Indian tongues, a probable conjecture may be hazarded. In Cherah, 
or Chera, as it seems at certain periods of Indian history to have been 
called, is found a close affinity with Chera-kee. In the language of 
the Chera-kees, Cherah, or Chera, means fire. If, then, as seems 
highly probable, Cherah is identical with Serah, or Saraw, or Sara — 
as Lederer called it now Cheraw, it may be conjectured to have 
meant the fire town. The site of the present town of Cheraw, which 
has retained the name, with slight changes, from an early period, 
may have been the scene of an extensive conflagration when occupied 
by the Indians; or, being situated on a high bluff, and visible as a 
point of observation and alarm for miles across, it may have been a 
signal station, as such prominent localities often were, to gain the 
knowledge of an enemy's approach, or other danger, and hence may 
have been called Cherah ; in Cherokee, the fii'e town : or, as may seem 

' Baton's New View, p. 61. ''■ Transactions of American Ethnological Society, Vol. 11, p. 115 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLINA. 209 

yet more probable, in another view; if, about the period of their 
first distinct existence as a tribe, being possibly an offshoot from the 
Cherakees, at the era of some internal struggle and partial dismem- 
berment of that once powerful and widely extended nation, the 
Cherahs, or Cheraws, were noted as fire eaters, as some of the Indian 
tribes have been, the original of the name may be found in this 
circumstances — Cheraw meaning fire eaters. After all, however, it 
is one of those points, the original of language in the aboriginal races, 
which, without the light of contemporaneous history, must ever 
remain involved in more or less of darkness and uncertainty. 

Of the meaning of "Pedee" nothing is known. It has even been 
made a question whether the name is of Indian origin; and the 
opinion has been advanced that it is not, on the ground that it 
appears to have been unknown prior to the Enghsh colonial settle- 
ments. Hence it is conjectured that it was of subsequent origin, 
having had its beginning, perhaps, in the initials of a white man's 
name, as of Patrick Daly, for example — P. D. — first carved upon a 
tree, then Indianized, and so changed into Pedee, as we now have 
it. This theory, however, is wholly untenable. 

That the name is not mentioned by the earhest writers is readily 
accounted for by the fact that the Pedees, if ever a people of any 
note, had then become an insignificant tribe; whereas only the more 
powerful nations of Indians engaged attention at first, or were so 
much as known by name. The earhest mention of Pedee is found 
in the account of the Eleven Townships, one of which was to be 
laid out on that river. This was about the year 1731-32.^ But 
then it was spoken of as having aheady been in familiar use. It 
was spelt, too, not as if it had come from two capital letters, the 
initials of a proper name. 

Both the analogy and euphony of the Indian tongue indicate, 
beyond all doubt, that Pedee had the same original as Santee, Con- 
garee, Wateree, Uchee, and Sewee, all of unquestionable Indian birth, 
and the names of neighboring and cognate tribes. That the name 
Pedee does not appear in the earhest pubhshed accounts of Carolina 
may be attributed to the fact that for a considerable time after the 
first settlement of the province, scarcely anything was known of 
that part of the State, because out of the line of the main route of 
travel, far in the interior, and at a later period only coming into 
notice. 

Of the Indian remains on the Pedee which are still to be seen, 
though but httle trace is left, there is nothing distinguishable from 
those in other parts of the State, of which full accounts have been 
given. In some instances these remains are so numerous as to indi- 
cate the existence of once populous settlements. These settlements, 
as usually the case with the aborigines, were made upon the banks 
of rivers and other large streams, on account of the fertihty of the 
soil, for fishing purposes, and other facilities thereby afforded. 

In most instances on the Pedee where these remains are yet to be 
seen are found large collections of fragments of potware of varied 
shapes, sizes, and devices. It is difficult even to conjecture why 
such quantities of these were deposited at points not far removed 
from each other. They could scarcely have been the result of large 

' Carroll's Historical Collections, Vol. n, p. 124. 
75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 14 



210 INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 

accumulations in those places where the potware was made, for they 
are generally found to be well-finished specimens of their kind, and 
evidently parts of vessels which were once in use. Nor does it appear 
to be a well-founded opinion, sometimes advanced, that upon the 
sudden breaking up of the Indian settlements, for whatever cause, 
these vessels of ornament or use were heaped together in one con- 
fused mass, and with such other chattels as could not be removed 
abandoned forever. Their appearance indicates that they were 
broken by violence; and what is more remarkable, of all the speci- 
mens taken up at random in any single locality, scarcely any two 
are found to be exactly alike in outward device and finish. 

The ornamental lines and figures on the exterior are in many cases 
well executed, and for the untutored savage extiibit a high degree of 
art. The questions, how they were broken, why collected in such 
strangely mingled masses, and why other remains, as the pipe, the 
arrowhead, the stone ax, etc., are not generally found among them, 
will remain unanswered; and like so much else we would fain know 
respecting these early occupants of the soil, continue perhaps among 
the secret things of their history. 

A large vase or jar/ of 3 gallons' capacity, was washed up a 
few years since by the waters of a freshet on the east bank of the 
Pedee, in Marlborough district, near Spark's Ferry. It is in a state 
of almost entile preserv^ation, but not so highly finished as are many 
of the broken specimens which bav^e been recovcxed. Like those to 
which Lawson alludes in his "account of the Congerees, this jar has a 
hole in the bottom, not smoothly cut, but roughly and irregularly 
made, as if punched through by some blunt instrument after the 
vessel was finished. Lawson supposes that ihey were sometimes 
used for burial purposes and that the holes were made in the bottom 
to let off the morbid juices of the body going to decay. Some of 
the specimens of potware found are highly finished, and upon the 
whole appear to warrant the conclusion arrived at by the first and 
most thoughtful travelers among our Indian tribes, and since clearly 
demonstrated by the results of later explorations, that those whom 
the Europeans found on their first discovery and settlement of the 
country were not the ancient dwellers in this part of the New World. 

The earthen pots, 

says Lawson — 

are often found under ground and at the foot of the banks, where the water has washed 
them away. They are for the most part broken in pieces; but we find them of a 
different sort, in comparison of those the Indians use at this day, who have had no 
others ever since the English discovered America. The bowels of the earth can not 
have altered them, since they are thicker, of another shape and composition, and 
nearly approach to the urns of the ancient Romans.^ 

We are told that they made earthen pots of very different sizes, so 
as to contain from 2 to 10 gallons; large pitchers to carry water, 
bowls, dishes, platters, basins, and a prodigious number of other 
vessels of such antiquated forms that it would be almost impossible 
to describe them. 

Some of the specimens, in a fragmentary form, and others in a 
state of preservation, which were found on the Pedee, are of different 
shapes and ciu-iously finished. Of these one is very small, not holding 

1 This vessel was presented to the Cheraw Lyceum by Col. J. D. Wilson, of Darlington. 

2 Lawson, pp. 1C3, 170. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 211 

more than a gill, and seems to have been used for paint or some 
other valuable liquid. 

Another/ of which the lower portion only is left, has the exact 
shape, the outward finish, and as much the appearance of a pineapple 
as if it had been carefully fashioned after that as a model. The proc- 
ess of glazing was simple, and consisted in placing the vessels over a 
large fire of smoky pitch pine, which made them smooth and shining. 
"Their lands abounded in proper clay for that use, and even with 
porcelain, as has been proved by experiment." When first discov- 
ered on the coast, the Indians were found to cultivate a variety of 
grains and vegetables. The process of clearing their lands has been 
minutely described. Their stone axes, of which specimens have been 
found on the Pedee, resembled a wedge or smith's chisel and weighed 
from 1 to 2 or 3 pounds. They twisted two or three tough hickory 
slips about 2 feet long around the notched head of the ax and by 
means of this simple contrivance deadened the trees by cutting 
through the bark, after which they fell by decay or, having become 
thoroughly dry, were easily burned. 

With these trees they kept up their annual holy fire. In the first 
clearing of their plantations they only barked the larger timber, cut 
down the saplings and underwood, and burned them in heaps. As 
the suckers put up, they chopped them off close by the stump, and so 
made fires to deaden the roots till in time they also decayed. The 
burning of the grass and underwood in the forests is said to have 
been an ancient custom of the Indians. This may account for the 
fact, which has been mentioned in connection with the first settle- 
ments by the whites in the interior, that in many places the woods 
were found open to such an extent that even small objects could be 
seen to a great distance. These burnings were practiced by the 
Indians, as we are told, 

in order to allure the deer upon the new grass, as also to discover the impressions of 
their enemies' tracks in the new burnt ground, distinguishable to their women and 
children, in case the raven should be sick or out of the way (thus they call the look- 
out, whose business it is to recognize the avenues of their towns), who, as well as any 
other Indian (as tliey all apply themselves to hunting), are by practice so keen and 
precise that tbey can distinguish and follow a track, be it of a white man, negro, 
Indian, or be it of a bear, deer, or wolf, horse or cow, even on hard bottom, not admit- 
ting of impression so as on soft groimd, although covered all over with leaves so that 
the ground itself is not visible, and even bare of any grass or busies, which by their 
irregular bend may indicate a creature — human or animal —ha ving trod upon or 
brushed by it.^ 

Having cleared their lands in the primitive maimer before de- 
scribed, the Indians used, in planting and tilling, their own made 
instruments. Afterwards a common hoe was the only implement 
employed in the cultivation of the soil. They prepared their corn 
for use by beating it till the husks came off, then boiling it in large 
earthen pots. For pounding the corn, mortars were made by cau- 
tiously burning a large log to a proper level and length, then placing 
a fire on the top and wet clay around it, in order to give the interior 
a proper shape. "\¥hen the fire was extinguished, or occasion re- 
quired, they chopped the inside with their stone instruments, pa- 
tiently continuing the process until they finished the vessel for the 
intended purpose. 

1 This was also presented to the Cheraw Lyceum liy Col. Wilson. 

'De Brahm's Philosophico-Historico-Hydrogeography of South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida, 
1751. Edited and republished by Plowden C. J. Weston, 1856, p. 189. 



212 IISTDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

In certain localities on the Pedee, whicli appear to have been the 
centers * of their once extensive settlements, many tumuli were once 
to be seen. 

They were similar to some of those described by Bartram ^ in East 
Florida, near the river St. Juan, "where," he observes — 

I found the surface of the ground very xmeven by means of little mounts and ridges. 
I had taken up my lodging on the border of an ancient burying-ground ; sepulchers or 
tumuli of the Yamassees, who were here slain by the Creeks in their last decisive 
battle. These graves occupied the whole grove, consisting of two or three acres of 
ground. 

During a visit of the author in 1859 to the upper part of Marl- 
borough district, near the North Carolina line, a mound was pointed 
out to him which is related by tradition to have been the scene of an 
Indian battle. On a subsequent occasion it was visited for the pur- 
pose of exploration. It appears to have been raised originally but a 
few feet above the surface of the adjoining level, and had been almost 
entirely washed down. Its dimensions were about ten by fifteen 
feet. Many years before, a partial excavation had been made, and 
in digging down on this occasion for a short distance small pieces of 
bone were found mixed with the earth throughout, so that no opinion 
could be formed as to the depth of the first layer of bodies. Four 
feet below the surface a point was reached where the soil had not 
been disturbed, and a little below this were found from four to six 
skeletons, lying regularly, in a horizontal position, with the feet to 
the east, having evidently been placed in two layers. The larger 
bones were in a comparative state of preservation, and one of the jaw- 
bones with the teeth entire, apparently of a person about middle age. 
With the bones were found a stone hatchet, a beautiful arrowhead, 
and a pipe, and strange to relate, the smell of tobacco about the pipe 
was perceptible for several hours after the exhumation. The tra- 
dition relating to the battle and the burial was well founded, and 
carried them nearly a century back. 

As to tobacco, the Indians affirmed, as some of the earliest travel- 
ers among them inform us, that the use of it was known to them before 
the Europeans discovered the continent. The skill of the Indians in 
medicine, in certain diseases, was remarkable, the process of cure 
being simple and expeditious. The knowledge of some of the most 
valuable plants now in use was derived from them.' 

Some of the customs of the Indians of Carolina indicated a degree 
of kindness and social affection, as well as an appreciation of duty, 
of which they are not generally supposed to have been possessed. 
When, for example, one of their own nation had suffered any loss by 
fire, or otherwise, he was ordered to make a feast, to which all the 
tribe was invited. After they had partaken of the feast, one of their 
speakers, generally a grave old man, delivered a harangue, informing 
them of the particulars of the loss sustained, and of their duty under 
such circumstances. After which, every man, according to his 
quality, threw down some present upon the ground, of beads, skins, 
furs, or other valuables, which often amounted to treble the loss 
incurred. 

So, if one wished to build a canoe, or make a cabin, they rendered 
him assistance, saying, "There were several works which one man 

iThe plantation of the late James McCall, Esq., in Darlington district, on the Pedee, is an instance ol 
this, where many remains of the kind were once visil le, though now lor the most part leveled by the plow. 
' Bartram's Travels in the Carolinas, Georgia, East and West Florida, 1773-74. 
'Lawson, p. 172. 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 213 

could not effect, and that therefore they must help him; otherwise 
their society would fall, and they would be deprived of those urgent 
necessities which life requires." If a woman lost her husband, and 
had a large family of children to maintain, she was always assisted. 
The young men of the tribe were made to plant, reap, and do any- 
thing she was not capable of doing herself. At the same time they 
would not suffer anyone to be idle, but compelled all to employ them- 
selves in some work or other.* 

As to religion, they believed generally that the world was round, 
and that there were two spirits, the one good and the other bad. The 
good spirit they reckoned to be the author and maker of everything. 
It was He, they said, who gave them the fruits of the earth, and 
taught them to hunt, fish, and be wise enough to overpower the 
beasts of the wilderness and all other creatures, that they might be 
assistant and beneficial to man. They did not believe that the Good 
Spirit punished any man in this hfe, or that to come, but that he 
delighted in doing good, and in making his creatures wise and happy. 
The bad spirit (who hved, as they thought, separate from the Good 
Spirit) they made the author of sickness, disappointment, loss, hunger, 
travail, and all the misfortunes that human lite is incident to. Some 
of our aborigines were found to have traditions of the great Deluge, 
and of this event they gave a curious description. Of some of their 
practices, and one in particular, Lawson gives a singular account. 
He says — 

Several customs are found in some families, which others keep not; as, for example, 
the families of the Mach-a-pangas use the Jewish custom of circumcision, and the rest 
do not; neither did I ever know any other amongst the Indians that practiced any 
Buch thing; and perhaps if you ask them what is the reason they do so, they will make 
you no manner of answer; which is as much as to say, I will not tell you.^ 

They seem to have been unwilling, for the most part, to give any 
account of their customs, particularly those of a religious character. 

And so, the same writer remarks, that he knew them, for days 
together, to be amongst their idols and dead kings, though he could 
never get admittance to their sacred places to see what they were 
doing. The fact of their practicing idolatry at all has been positively 
denied by other travelers, who profess to have informed themselves 
of all that relates to their habits and customs. It is Ukely that the 
different tribes, remote from each other, and possibly of different 
origin, differed much in their customs and traditional observances, 
and hence the conflicting accounts which have been given. Of one 
custom, remarkable as it is suggestive, which Lawson affirms to have 
prevailed among the Indians of Carohna, and of which no other 
writer is beheved to give any account, it may gratify the curiosity of 
the reader to be informed. It is very certain that it must have 
nipped the risings of aboriginal Young Americanism in the bud, leav- 
ing to a far superior race to exhibit, in the management of their youth, 
much more indecision and weakness. 

There is one most abominable custom — 

Says Lawson — 

which they call husquenaiiing their young men, which I have not made any mention 
of yet. 

Most commonly once a year, or at farthest once in two years, these people take up 
so many of their young men as they think are able to undergo it and husquenaugh 
them, which is to make them obedient and respective to their superiors, and (as they 

> Lawson, pp. 178-179. 2 Lawson, pp. 210, 211. 



214 IFDIAFS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

say) is the same to them as it is to us to send our children to school to be taught good 
breeding and letters. This house of correction is a strong, large cabin , made on purpose 
for the reception of the young men and boys that have not passed this graduation 
already, and it is always at Christmas that they husquenaugh their youth, which is 
by bringing them into this house and keeping them dark all the time, where they more 
than half starve them. Besides, they give them pellitory bark and several intoxi- 
cating plants that make them go driving mad as ever were any people in the world. 
You may hear them make the most dismal cries and bowlings that ever human crea- 
tures expressed, all which continues about five or six weeks; and the little meat they 
eat is the nastiest, loathsome stuff, and mixed with all manner of filth its possible to 
get. After the time is expired, they are brought out of the cabin, which never is in 
the town, but always a distance off, and guarded by a jailer or two, who watch by turns. 
And when they first come out they are poor as ever any creatures were ; for you must 
know several die under this diabolical purgation. Moreover, they really either are 
or pretend to be drunk, and do not speak for several days; I think, 20 or 30, and 
look so ghastly and are so changed that its next to an impossibility to know them 
again, although you was never so well acquainted with them before. I would fain 
have gone into the madhouse and seen them in their time of purgatory, but the king 
would not suffer it, because he told me that they would do me or any other white man 
an injury that ventured in amongst them; so I desisted. They play this prank with 
girls as well as boys, and I believe it is a miserable life they endure, because I have 
known several of them run away at that time to avoid it. Now, the savages say, if it 
was not for this, they could not keep their youth in subjection: besides, that it hardens 
them after to the fatigues of war, hunting, and all manner of hardship which their 
way of living exposes them to. Besides, they add, that it carries off those infirm, 
weak bodies that would have been only a burden and disgrace to their nation, and 
saves the victuals and clothing for better people that would have been expended on 
such useless creatures.^ 

Lawson is the only one of the early Indian travelers in South Caro- 
lina, except Lederer, who passed through those parts of the State 
inhabited by the ancient dwellers on the Pedee. A large part of 
his book, however, is taken up with the natural history of North 
Carolina. He commenced a journey from Charleston, December 28, 
1700, passed up the Santee and Wateree Rivers, and thence probably 
across to the Yadkin, and through North CaroUna into Virginia. 
Among the Catawbas he must have met with the Cheraws and Pedees, 
if not in the parts higher up on our own river, though he does not 
mention them by name. In speaking, therefore, of the Carolina In- 
dians generally, his remarks will apply to these, as well as others more 
particularly mentioned. 

A few years after he was put to death in a most barbarous manner 
by the Indians in eastern North Carolina, to which State he had ren- 
dered most important service as surveyor general, as well as by his 
interesting account of the natural history of that region. 

The author at one time cherished the hope of procuring some valu- 
able traditional matter as to the Cheraws through WUliam H. Thomas, 
Esq., of North Carolina, of whom ment'on has already been made. 
It was thought not unlikely that during his long and familiar inter- 
course with the Catawbas, Mr. Thomas might have gathered from 
their traditions something of the history of the Cheraws before the 
union of the tribes; but the hope was disappointed. The tradition 
of the Catawbas, already related, seem to be all they have preserved. 
Every other source of information now accessible has been exhausted. 
And with the account here given, meager and unsatisfactory as it is, 
we must be content, leaving these early occupants of the soil, proud 
and valiant and numerous as they once were, in that darlaiess and 
oblivion to which the red man, as he has receded westward before 
the advancing tide of civilization, has ever been consigned. 

1 Lawson, pp. 233-234. 



EXHIBIT J. 
HISTORY OF THE CATAWBAS. 

[From Hand Book of American Indians.] 

Catawba (probably from Choctaw Tcatdpa, 'divided/ 'separated/ 
'a division.' — Gatscliet). The most important of the eastern Siouan 
tribes. It is said that Lynche Creek, S. C, east of the Catawba 
territory, was anciently known as Kadapau; and from the fact that 
Lawson apphes this narne to a small band met by him southeast 
of the mam body, which he calls Esaw, it is possible that it was 
originally given to this people by some tribe living ia east South 
Carolina, from whom the first colonists obtained it. The Cherokee, 
having no & in their language, changed the name to Atakwa, plural 
Anitakwa. The Sha%vnee and other tribes of the Ohio valley made 
the word Cuttawa. From the earliest period the Catawba have also 
been known as Esaw, or Issa (Catawba iswa' , 'river'), from their 
residence on the principal stream of the region, Iswa being their 
only name for the Catawba and Watereers. They were frequently 
included by the Iroquois under the general term Totiri, or Toderich- 
roone, another form of which is Tutelo, applied to all the southern 
Siouan tribes collectively. They were classed by Gallatin (1836) as a 
distinct st")ck, and were so regarded until Gatschet visited them in 
1881 and obtained a large vocabulary showing numerous Siouan 
correspondences. Further investigations by Hale, Gatschet, Mooney, 
and Dorsey proved that several other tribes of the same region were 
also of Siouan stock, while the linguistic forms and traditional evi- 
dence all point to this eastern region as the original home of the 
Siouan tribes. The alleged tradition which brings the Catawba 
from the n)rth, as refugees from the French and their Indian aUies 
about the year 1660, does not agree in any of its main points with 
the known facts of history, and, if genuine at all, refers rather to 
some local incident than to a tribal movement. It is well known 
that the Catawba were in a chronic state of warfare with the northern 
tribes, whose raiding parties they sometimes followed, even across 
the Ohio. 

The first notice of the Catawba seems to be that of Vandera in 
1579, who calls them Issa in his narrative of Pardo's expedition. 
Nearly a century later, in 1670, they are mentioned as Ushery by 
Lederer, who claims to have visited them, but this is doubtful. 

Lawson, who passed through their territory in 1701, speaks of them 
as a "powerful nation" and states that their villages were very thick. 
He calls the two divisions, which were living a short distance apart, 
by different names, one the Kadapau and the other the Esaw, unaware 
of the fact that the two were synonyms. From all accounts they 
were formerly the most populous and most important tribe in the 
Carolinas, excepting the Cherokee. Virginia traders were already 
among them at the time of Lawson's visit. Adair, 75 years later, 
says that one of the ancient cleared fields of the tribes extended 7 

215 



216 INDIANS OF NOKTH CAROLINA. 

miles, besides which they had several smaller village sites. In 1728 
they still had 6 villages, all on Catawba River, within a stretch of 
20 miles, the most northern being named Nauvasa, Their prin- 
cipal village was formerly on the west side of the river, in what is 
now York County, S. C, opposite the mouth of Sugar Creek. The 
known history of the tribe till about 1760 is chiefly a record of petty 
warfare between themselves and the Iroquois and )ther northern 
tribes, throughout which the colonial government tried to induce 
the Indians to stop killing one anotheo and go to killing the French. 
With the single exception of their alliance with the hostile Yamasi, 
in 1715, they were uniformly friendly toward the English, and after- 
wards kept peace with the United States, bat were constantly at war 
with the Iroquois, Shawnee, Delawares, and other tribes of the Ohio 
Valley, as well as with the Cherokee. The Iroquois and the Lake 
tribes made long journeys into South Carolina, and the Catawba 
retaliated by sending small scalping parties into Ohio and Pennsyl- 
vania. Their losses from ceaseless attacks of their enemies reduced 
their numbers steadily, whUe disease and debauchery introduced 
by the whites, especially several epidemics of smallpox, accelerated 
their destructi )n, so that before the close of the 18th century the 
great nation was reduced to a pitiful remnant. They sent a large 
force to help the colonists in the Tuscarora war of 1711-1713, and 
als^ aided in expeditions against the French and their Indian alUes 
at Fort Du Quesne and elsewhere during the French and Indian war. 
Later it was proposed to use them and the Cherokee against the Lake 
tribes under Pontiac in 1763. They assisted the Americans also 
during the Revolution in the defense of South Carolina against the 
British, as well as in Williamson's expedition against the Cherokee. 
In 1738 smallpox raged in South Carolina and worked great destruc- 
tion, not only am^ng the whites, but also among the Catawba and 
smaller tribes. In 1759 it appeared again, and this time destroyed 
nearly half the tribe. At a conference at Albany, attended by dele- 
gates from the Six Nations and the Catawba, under the auspices of 
the colonial governments, a treaty of peace was made between thase 
two tribes. This peace was probably final as regards the Iroquois, 
but the western tribes continued their warfare against the Catawba, 
who were now so reduced that they could make little effectual resist- 
ance. In 1762 a small party of Shawnee killed the noted chief of 
the tribe. King Haiglar, near his own village. From this time the 
Catawba ceased to be of importance except in conjunction with the 
whites. In 1763 they had confirmed to them a reservation, assigned 
a few years before, of 15 miles square, on both sides of Catawba 
River, within the present York and Lancaster Counties, S. C. On 
the approach of the British troops in 1780 the Catawba withdrew 
temporarily into Virginia, but returned after the battle of Guilford 
Court House, and established themselves in 2 villages on the reserva- 
tions known respectively as Newton, the principal village, and Turkey 
Head, on opposite sides of Catawba River. In 1826 nearly the 
whole of their reservation was leased to whites for a few thousand 
dollars, on which the few survivors chiefly depended. About 1841 
they sold to the State all but a single square mile, on which they now 
reside. About the same time a number of the Catawba, dissatisfied 
with their condition among the whites, removed to the eastern 
Cherokee in western North Carolina, but finding their position among 



INDIANS OP NOETH CAEOLINA. . 217 

their old enemies equally unpleasant, all but one or two soon went 
back again. An old woman, the last survivor of this emigration, 
died among the Cherokee in 1889. A few other Cherokee are now 
intermarried with that tribe. At a later period some Catawba 
removed to the Choctaw Nation in Indian Territory and settled 
near Scullyville, but are said to be now extinct. About 1884 several 
became converts of Mormon missionaries in South Carolina and 
went with them to Salt Lake City, Utah. 

The Catawba were sedentary agriculturists, and seem to have 
differed but little in general customs from their neighbors. Their 
men were respected, brave, and honest, but lacking in energy. They 
were good hunters, while their women were noted makers of pottery 
and baskets, arts which they still preserve. They seem to have prac- 
ticed the custom of head flattening to a limited extent, as did several 
of the neighboring tribes. By reason of their dominant position 
they gradually absorbed the broken tribes of South Carolina, to the 
number, according to Adair, of perhaps 20. 

In the early settlement of South Carolina, about 1682, they were 
estimated at 1,500 warriors, or about 4,600 souls; in 1728 at 400 
warriors, or about 1,400 persons. In 1738 they suffered from small- 

f)0x; and in 1743, after incorporating several small tribes, numbered 
ess than 400 warriors. In 1759 they again suffered from smallpox, 
and in 1761 had some 300 warriors, or about 1,000 people. The 
number was reduced in 1775 to 400 souls; in 1780 it was 490; and 
in 1784 only 250 were reported. The number given in 1822 is 450, 
and Mills gives the population in 1826 as only 110. In 1881 Gatschet 
found 85 on the reservation, which, including 35 employed on neigh- 
boring farms, made a total of 120. The present number is given 
as 60, but as this apparently refers only to those attached to the 
reservation, the total may be about 100. 

See Lawson, History of Carolina, 1714 and 1860; Gatschet, Creek 
Migration Legend, I-II, 1884-88; Mooney (1) Siouan Tribes of the 
East, Bull. 22, B. A. E., 1894, (2) m 19th Rep. B. A. E., 1900; H. 
Lewis Scaife, History and Condition of the Catawba Indians, 1896. 

(j. M.) 



EXHIBIT K. 
HISTORY OF THE CHERAWS. 

[From Handbook of American Indians.] 

Cheraw. — ^An important tribe, very probably of Siouan stock, for- 
merly ranging in central Carolina, east of the Blue Ridge, from about 
the present Danville, Va., southward to the neighborhood of Cheraw, 
S. C., which takes its name from them. In numbers they may have 
stood next to the Tuscarora among the North Carolina tribes, but 
are less prominent in history by reason of their almost complete de- 
struction before the white settlements had reached their territory. 
They are mentioned first in the De Soto narrative for 1540, under the 
name Xuala, a corruption of Suali, the name by which they are tra- 
ditionally known to the Cherokee, who remember them as having 
anciently Hved beyond the Blue Ridge from Asheville. In the earlier 
Carolina and Virginia records they are commonly known as Saraw, 
and at a later period as Cheraw. We first hear of ''Xuala province" 
in 1540, apparently in the mountain country southward from Ashe- 
viUe. In 1672, Lederer, from Indian information, located them in the 
same general region, or possibly somewhat farther northeast, "where 
the mountains bend to the west," and says that this portion of the 
main ridge was called "Sualy Mountain " from the tribe. This agrees 
with Cherokee tradition. Some years later, but previous to 1700, 
they settled on Dan River near the south line of Virginia, where the 
marks of their fields were found extending for several miles along the 
river by Byrd, in 1728, when running the dividing line between the two 
colonies. There seem to have been two villages, as on a map of 1760 
we find this place designated as "Lower Saura Town," while about 30 
miles above, on the south side of the Dan and between it and Town 
Fork, is another place marked "Upper Saura Town." They are 
also alluded to by J. F. D. Smyth (Tour in United States, 1784), who 
says the upper town was insignificant. About the year 1710, being 
harassed by the Iroquois, they abandoned their home on the Dan and 
moving southeast joined the Keyauwee, The colonists of North 
Carolina being dissatisfied at the proximity of these and other tribes. 
Gov. Eden declared war against the Cheraw, and apphed to Virginia 
for assistance. This Gov. Spotswood refused, as he believed the peo- 
ple of Carohna were the aggressors; nevertheless the war was carried 
on against them and their allies by the CaroHnas until the defeat and 
expulsion of the Yamasi in 1716. During this period complaint was 
made against the Cheraw, who were declared to be responsible for 
most of the mischief done north of Santee River, and of endeavoring 
to draw into their alUance the smaller coast tribes. It was asserted 
by the Carohnians that arms were supphed them from Virginia. At 
the close of the Yamasi war the Cheraw were dwelling on the upper 
Pedee near the line between the Carohnas, where their name is per- 
petuated in the town of Cheraw, S. C. Their number in 1715, 
according to Rivers, was 510, but this estimate probably included the 

218 



rNDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 219 

Keyauwee. Being still subject to attack by the Iroquois, they 
finally — between 1726 and 1739 — became incorporated with the 
Catawba, with whom at an earHer date they had been at enmity. 
They are mentioned as with the Catawba but speakmg their own 
distinct dialect as late as 1743 (Adair). In 1759 a party of 45 "Char- 
raws," some of whom were under their chief, "Eong Johnny," joined 
the Enghsh in the expedition against Fort Du Quesne. The last 
notice of them is in 1768, when their remnant, reduced by war and 
disease to 50 or 60, were still living with the Catawba, (j. m.) 



EXHIBIT KK. 

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 

[From Handbook of American Indians.] 

Cherokee. — A powerful detached tribe of the Iroquoian family, for- 
merly holding the whole mountain region of the southern Alleghenies, 
in southwestern Virginia, western North Carolina and South Carolina, 
northern Georgia, eastern Tennessee, and northeastern Alabama, and 
claiming even to the Ohio River. The tribal name is a corruption of 
TsalagI or TsaragI, the name by which they commonly called them- 
selves, and which may be derived from the Choctaw cMluk-ki, " cave 
people," in allusion to the numerous caves in their mountam country. 
They sometimes also call themselves Ani'-Y'dn'wiyd' , "real people," 
or Ani'-KUu'Jiwagt, "people of Kituhwa," one of their most impor- 
tant ancient settlements. Their northern kinsmen, the Iroquois, called 
them Oyata' ge^ronon\ "inhabitants of the cave country" (Hewitt), and 
the Delawares and connected tribes called them Kittuwa, from the 
settlement already noted. They seem to be identical with the 
Rickohockans, who invaded central Virginia in 1658, and with the 
ancient TaUigewi, of Delaware tradition, who were represented to 
have been driven southward from the upper Ohio River region by the 
combined forces of the Iroquois and Delawares. 

The language has three principal dialects: (1) Elati, or Lower, 
spoken on the heads of Savannah River in South Carohna and Georgia; 
(2) Middle, spoken chiefly on the waters of Tuckasegee River in western 
North Carolina, and now the prevaihng dialect on the East Cherokee 
reservation; (3) Atali, Mountain or Upper, spoken throughout most 
of upper Georgia, eastern Tennessee, and extreme western North 
Carolina. The lower dialect was the only one which had the r sound, 
and is now extinct. The upper dialect is that which has been ex- 
clusively used in the native literature of the tribe. 

Traditional, linguistic, and archaeologic evidence shows that the 
Cherokee originated in the North, but they were found in posses- 
sion of the southern Allegheny region when first encountered by De 
Soto in 1540. Their relations with the Carolma colonies began 150 
years later. In 1736 the Jesuit (?) Priber started the first mission 
among them, and attempted to organize their government on a civil- 
ized basis. In 1759, under the leadership of A'gansta'ta (Oconos- 
tota), they began war with the English of Carolina. In the Revolu- 
tion they took sides against the Americans, and continued the struggle 
almost without interval until 1794. During this period parties of 
the Cherokee pushed down Tennessee River and formed new settle- 
ments at Chickamauga and other points about the Tennessee-Alabama 
line. Shortly after 1800 missionary and educational work was estab- 
lished among them, and in 1820 they adopted a regular form of gov- 
ernment modeled on that of the United States. In the meantime 
large numbers of the more conservative Cherokee, wearied by the 
encroachments of the whites, had crossed the Mississippi and made 

220 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 221 

new homes in the wilderness in what is now Arkansas. A year or two 
later Sequoya (q. v.), a mixed blood, invented the alphabet, which 
at once raised them to the rank of a literary people. 

At the height of their prosperity gold was discovered near the pres- 
ent Dahlonega, Ga., within the limits of the Cherokee Nation, and at 
once a powerful agitation was begun for the removal of the Indians. 
After years of hopeless struggle under the leadership of their great 
chief, John Ross, they were compelled to submit to the inevitable, 
and by the treaty of New Echota, December 29, 1835, the Cherokee 
sold their entire remaining territory and agreed to remove beyond the 
Mississippi to a country there to be set apart for them — the present 
(1905) Cherokee Nation in Indian Territory. The removal was accom- 
plished in the whiter of 1838-39, after considerable hardship and the 
loss of nearly one-fourth of their number, the unwilling Indians being 
driven out by military force and making the long journey on foot. 
On reaching their destination they reorganized their national govern- 
ment, with their capital at Tahlequah, admitting to equal privileges 
the earlier emigrants, known as ''old settlers." A part of the Arkan- 
sas Cherokee had previously gone down into Texas, where they had 
obtained a grant of land in the eastern part of the State from the 
Mexican Government. The later Texan revolutionists refused to 
recognize their rights, and in spite of the efforts of Gen. Sam Houston, 
who defended the Indian claim, a conflict was precipitated, resulting, 
in 1839, in the killing of the Cherokee chief, Bowl (q. v.), with a large 
number of his men, by the Texan troops and the expulsion of the 
Cherokee from Texas. 

When the main body of the tribe was removed to the West several 
hundred fugitives escaped to the mountains, where they lived as 
refugees for a time, until, in 1842, through the efforts of William H. 
Thomas, an influential trader, they received permission to remain on 
lands set apart for their use in western North Carolina. They consti- 
tute the present Eastern Band of Cherokee, residing chiefly on the 
Qualla Reservation, in Swain and Jackson Counties, with several 
outlying settlements. 

The Cherokee in the Cherokee Nation were for years divided into 
two hostile factions, those who had favored and those who had opposed 
the treaty of removal. Hardly had these differences been adjusted 
when the Civil War burst upon them. Being slave owners and sur- 
rounded by southern influences, a large part of each of the Five Civil- 
ized Tribes of the Territory enlisted in the service of the Confederacy, 
while others adhered to the National Government. The territory of 
the Cherokee was overrun in turn by both armies, and the close of 
the war found them prostrated. By treaty in 1866 they were read- 
mitted to the protection of the United States, but obliged to liberate 
their negro slaves and admit them to equal citizenship. In 1867 and 
1870 the Delawares and Shawnee, respectively, numbering together 
about 1,750, were admitted from Kansas and incorporated with the 
nation. In 1889 the Cherokee commission (see Commission) was 
created for the purpose of abolishing the tribal governments and open- 
ing the Territories to white settlement, with the result that after 15 
years of negotiation an agreement was made by which the government 
of the Cherokee Nation came to a final end March 3, 1906; the Indian 
lands were divided, and the Cherokee Indians, native and adopted, 
became citizens of the United States. 



222 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

^ The Cherokee have seven clans, viz: Ani'-wa'"ya (Wolf), Ani'-Kawl' 
(Deer), Ani'-Tsi'skwa (Bird), Ani'-wa'dl (Paint), Ani'-Saha'ni, Ani'- 
Ga't^g6wl, Ani'-Gil^'hi. The names of the last three can not be 
translated with certainty. There is evidence that there were anciently 
14, which by extinction or absorption have been reduced to their 
present number. The Wolf clan is the largest and most important. 
The ''seven clans" are frequently mentioned in the ritual prayers 
and even in the printed laws of the tribe. They seem to have had a 
connection with the "seven mother towns" of the Cherokee, described 
by Cuming in 1730 as having each a chief, whose office was hereditary 
in the female line. 

The Cherokee are j)robably about as numerous now as at any period 
in their history. With the exception of an estimate in 1730, which 
placed them at about 20,000, most of those up to a recent period gave 
them 12,000 or 14,000, and in 1758 they were computed at only 7,500. 
The majority of the earlier estimates are probably too low, as the 
Cherokee occupied so extensive a territory that only a part of them 
came in contact with the whites. In 1708 Gov. Johnson estimated 
them at 60 villages and "at least 500 men" (Rivers, S. C, 238, 
1 856) . In 1 71 5 they were officially reported to number 11,210 (Upper, 
2,760; Middle, 6,350; Lower, 2,100), including 4,000 warriors, and 
living in 60 villages (Upper, 1 9 ; Middle, 30 ; Lower, 11). In 1 720 they 
were estimated to have been reduced to about 10,000, and again in 
the same year reported at about 11,500, including about 3,800 war- 
riors (Gov. Johnson's Rep. in Rivers, op. cit., 93, 94, 103, 1874). In 
1729 they were estimated at 20,000, with at least 6,000 warriors and 
64 towns and villages (Stevens, Hist. Ga., i, 48, 1847). They are said 
to have lost 1,000 warriors in 1739 from smallpox and rum, and they 
suffered a steady decrease during their wars with the whites, extend- 
ing from 1760 until after the close of the Revolution. Those in their 
original homes had again increased to 16,542 at the time of their 
forced removal to the West in 1838, but lost nearly one-fourth on the 
journey, 311 perishing in a steamboat accident on the Mississippi. 
Those already in the West before the removal were estimated at 
about6,000. TheCivilWarin 1861-1865 again checked their progress, 
but they recovered from its effects in a remarkably short time, and 
in 1885 numbered about 19,000, of whom about 17,000 were in Indian 
Territory, together with about 6,000 adopted whites, negroes, Dela- 
wares, and Shawnee, while the remaining 2,000 were still in their 
ancient homes in the East. Of this eastern band, 1,376 were on 
Qualla Reservation, in Swain and Jackson Counties, N. C; about 
300 are on Cheowah River, in Graham County, N. C, while the 
remainder, all of mixed blood, are scattered over eastern Tennessee, 
northern Georgia, and Alabama. The eastern band lost about 300 by 
smallpox at the close of the Civil War. In 1902 there were officially 
reported 28,016 persons of Cherokee blood, including all degrees of 
admixture, in the Cherokee Nation in the Territory, but this includes 
several thousand individuals formerly repudiated by the tribal courts. 
There were also living in the nation abput 3,000 adopted negro freed- 
men, more than 2,000 adopted whites, and about 1,700 adopted Dela- 
ware, Shawnee, and other Indians. The tribe has a larger proportion 
of white admixture than any other of the Five Civilized Tribes. See 
Mooney, Myths of Cherokee Indians. (Hand Book of American 
Indians, Bulletin 30, Bureau American Ethnology.) 



EXHIBIT L. 

LEGISLATION BELATIVE TO INDIANS OF ROBESON COUNTY. 

Exhibit LI. 

[Amendments (tx) the constitution of North Carolina) proposed by a convention of 
delegates of the people of North Carolina, on the llth of July, 1835, and ratified by 
the people on the second Monday of November, in the same year.] 

Section 111. 

4: :(: 4: :j: 4: 4s 4: 

Clause 3, No free negro, free mulatto, or free person of mixed 
blood, descended from negro ancestors to the fourtli generation, 
inclusive (though one ancestor of each generation may have been a 
white person), shall vote for members of the senate or house of 
commons. 



Exhibit L2. 



[Revised code of North Carolina, enacted by the general assembly at the session of 

1854.] 

CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS — CHAPTER 34. 

Sec. 80. If any clerk of the court of pleas and quarter-sessions 
shall knowingly issue any license for marriage between any free per- 
son of color and a white person; or if any clergyman, minister of the 
gospel, or justice of the peace shall knowingly maiTy any such free 
person of color to a white person, the person so offending shall be guilty 
of a misdemeanor. 

MARRIAGE — CHAPTER 68. 

Sec. 7. All marriages since the eighth day of January, eighteen 
hundred and thirty-nine, and all marriages in future between a 
white person and a free negro, or free person of color, to the third 
generation, shall be void. 



Exhibit 13. 



[Constitution of North Carolina, amendment of 1857 — Proposed by the general assem- 
bly in 1854, December 11, 1856, and January 8, 1857, and ratified by the people the 
first Thursday in August, 1857.] 

Every free white man of the age of twenty-one years, being a native 
or naturalized citizen of the United States, and who has been an in- 
habitant of the State for twelve months immediately preceding the 
day of any election, and shall have ]:)aid public taxes, shall be en- 
titled to vote for a member of the senate for the district in which he 
resides. 

223 



224 INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 

Exhibit 14. 

[The constitution of the State of North Carolina of 1868, as amended.] 
« * * * * * • 

Article VI. 

SUFFRAGE AND ELIGIBILITY TO OFFICE. 

Section 1. Every male person born in the United States, and 
every male person who has been naturalized, twenty-one years of 
age, and possessing the qualifications set out in this article, shall be 
entitled to vote at any election by the people in the State, except as 
herein otherwise provided. 

Sec. 4. Every person presenting himself for registration shall be 
able to read and write any section of the Constitution in the English 
language; and before he shall be entitled to vote he shall have paid 
on or before the first day of May of the year in which he proposes to 
vote, his poll tax for the previous year, as prescribed by Article V, 
section 1, of the Constitution. But no male person who was, on Janu- 
ary 1, 1867, or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the 
laws of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and 
no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the right to 
register and vote at any election in this State by reason of his failure 
to possess the educational qualifications herein prescribed : Provided, 
He shall have registered in accordance with the terms of this section 
prior to December 1, 1908. The general assembly shall provide for 
the registration of all persons entitled to vote without the educational 
qualifiications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before November 1, 
1908, provide for the making of a permanent record of such regis- 
tration, and all persons so registered shall forever thereafter have the 
right to vote in all elections by the people in this State, unless dis- 
qualified under section 2 of this article: Provided, Such person shall 
have paid his poll tax as above required. 



Exhibit 15. 

[Constitution of North Caroliaa, annotated by Connor and Cheshire.J 
1. ALL MEN EQUAL. 

1. Indians and free persons of color hefore 1868. 

The Cherokee, Croatan, and other Indians living in North Caro- 
lina are citizens of the State and amenable to the laws. 

State V. Wolf, 145 N. C, 440; State v. Tachanatah, 64 N. C, 614. 

Before the constitution of 1868 and the thirteenth amendment 
to the Constitution of the United States free persons of color were 
citizens of North Carolina; and this was so even after the right to 
vote was taken from such persons. 

State V. Manuel, 20 N. C, 144 (20), where Gaston, J., says: 
"Upon the Revolution no other change took place in the laws of 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAEOLINA. 225 

Nortli Carolina than was consequent upon the transition from a 
colony, dependent on a European King, to a free and sovereign 
State. Slaves remained slaves. British subjects in North Caro- 
lina became North Carolina free men. Foreigners until made mem- 
bers of the State continued aliens. Slaves manumitted here became 
free men and, therefore, if born within North Carolina, are citizens 
of North Carolina — and all free persons born withia the State 
are born citizens of the State." (This case was cited with approval 
by Mr. Justice Curtis in his dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott 
case, 60 U. S. (19 Howard) 573.— Editors.) 

(State V. Manuel, supra, was subsequent to the convention of 1835, 
which deprived free negroes of their right to vote. For an interest^ 
ing debate upon the origin, basis, and history of their right to vote, 
see "Debates in convention, 1835," pp. 72, 351. — Editors.) 

2. Civil and political rights. 

The constitution (of North Carolina) was not intended to enforce 
social equality, but only civil and political equality. 

State V. Hairston, 63 N. C, 452, holding (before the adoption of 
Art. XLV, sec. 8) that Kev. Code, ch. 68, sec. 7, declaring inter- 
marriages between white persons and persons of color void, is not a 
discrimination in favor of one race against another, but applies 
equally to all races and is valid and still in force. 



Exhibit 15^. 

[Laws of North Carolina, 1885, chapter 51.] 
AN ACT To provide for separate schools for Croatan Indians in Robeson County. 

Whereas the Indians now living in Robeson County claim to be 

descendants of a friendly tribe who once resided in eastern North 

Carolina on the Roanoke River, known as the Croatan Indians; 
I therefore. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That the said Indians and their descendants shall 
hereafter be designated and known as the Croatan Indians. 

Sec. 2. That said Indians and their descendants shall have sepa- 
rate schools for their children, school committees of their own race 
and color, and shall be allowed to select teachers of their own choice, 
subject to the same rules and regulations as are applicable to all 
teachers in the general school law. 

Sec. 3. It shall be the duty of the county board of education 
to see that this act is carried into effect, and shall for that purpose 
have the census of all the children of said Indians and their descend- 
ants between the ages of six and twenty-one taken, and proceed to 
establish such suitable school districts as shall be necessary for their 
convenience, and take all such other and further steps as may be 
necessary for the purpose of carrying this act into effect without 
delay. 

Sec. 4. The treasurer and other proper authorities, whose duties 
it is to collect, keep, and apportion the school fund, shall procure 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 15 



226 INDIANS OF NORTH CaBOLINA. 

from the county board of education the number of children in said 
county between the ages of six and twenty-one, belonging to said 
Indian race, and shall set apart and keep separate their pro rata 
share of said school funds, which shall be paid out upon the same 
rules in every respect as are provided in general school law: Pro- 
vided, That where any children, descendants of Indians as aforesaid, 
shall reside in any district in which there are no schools, as provided 
in this chapter, the same shall have the right to attend any of the 
public schools in said county for their race, and shall be allowed to 
draw their share of public school fund upon the certificate of the 
school committee in the district in which they reside, stating that 
they have thus removed and are entitled to attend public schools. 

Sec. 5. The general school law shall be applicable in aU respects 
to this chapter, where the same is not repugnant to or inconsistent 
with this act. This act shall only apply to Robeson County. All 
laws and clauses of law in conflict with this act are hereby repealed. 

Sec. 6, That this act shall be in force from and after its ratifica- 
tion, 

(In the General Assembly read three times and ratified this the 
10th day of February, A. D. 1885.) 



Exhibit L6. 

[Laws of North Carolina, chapter 400.] 

AN ACT To establish a normal school in the county of Robeson. 

TTie General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That W. L. Moore, James Oxendine, James Dial, Pres- 
ton Locklear, and others who may be associated with them, and their 
successors, are hereby constituted a body politic and corporate, for 
educational purposes, in the county of Robeson, under the name 
and style of the trustees of the Croatan Normal School, and by that 
name may have perpetual succession, may sue and be sued, plead and 
be impleaded, contract and be contracted with, to have and to hold 
school property, including buildings, lands, and all appurtenances 
thereto, situated in the county of Robeson, at any place in said 
county to be selected by the trustees herein named, provided such 
place shall be located between Bear Swamp and Lumber River in 
said county; to acquire by purchase, donation, or otherwise, real and 
personal property for the purpose of establishing and maintaining a 
school of high grade for teachers of the Croatan race in North Carolina. 

Sec. 2. That the trustees at their organization shall elect one of 
their own number president of the board of trustees, whose duties 
shall be such as develoves upon such officers in similar cases, or such 
as shall hereafter be defined by said trustees. 

Sec. 3. That said trustees shall have full power to rent, lease, mort- 
gage or sell any real or personal property for the purpose of maintain- 
ing said school, discharging indebtedness, or reinvesting the proceeds 
for a hke purpose: Provided, That the liabilities of said trustees shaU 
affect only the property owned by said trustees for educational pur- 
poses and shall not affect the private credit of said trustees. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 227 

Sec. 4. That the trustees whose names are mentioned in the first 
section of this act shall have power to select three additional trustees 
from the Croatan race in such manner as they may determine. 

Sec. 5. That said trustees shall have full power and authority to 
employ a teacher or teachers in said normal school under such regula- 
tions as the said trustees may determine. 

Sec. 6. That said board of trustees shall have full power to fill all 
vacancies by death, removal, or otherwise in said board: Provided, a 
majority vote of all the trustees shall be necessary to a choice. 

Sec. 7. That the sum of five hundred dollars is hereby appropriated 
to the support of said school annually for two years, and no longer, 
commencing with the first day of January, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and eighty-eight, said sum to be paid out of the general educa- 
tional fund: Provided, That said sum thus appropriated shall be ex- 
pended for the payment of services rendered for teaching and for no 
other purpose; said sum to be paid in semiannual payments upon 
warrants drawn by State superintendent of pubhc instruction upon 
receipt by said superintendent of report of trustees of said school 
showing the number of teachers employed, the amount paid to 
teacher, the number of students in attendance during the term of six 
months next preceding the first day of July, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and eighty-eight, first day of January, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and eighty-nine, first day of July, one thousand eight hundred 
and eighty-nine, and first day of January, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety. 

Sec. 8. That all property, real and personal, acquired by purchase, 
donation, or otherwise, as long as it is used for educational purposes, 
shaU be exempt from taxation, whether on the part of the State or 
county. 

Sec. 9. That no person shall seU any spirituous liquors within two 
miles of the location of said school, and any person violating this sec- 
tion shaU be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction shaU be 
fined not less than ten dollars nor more than thirty dollars, or im- 
prisoned not less than ten days nor more than thirty -days, or both at 
the discretion of the court. 

Sec. 10. Provided, That no person shall be admitted into said 
school as a student who has not attained the age of fifteen years ; and 
that aU those who shall enjoy the privileges of said school as students 
shall previously obhgate (themselves) to teach the youth of the 
Croatan race for a stated period. 

Sec. 11. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratifica- 
tion. 

(In the General Assembly read three times, and ratified this 7th 
day of March, A. D. 1887.) 

Exhibit L7. 

[Laws of Nortli Carolina, session of 1887, chapter 254.] 
AN ACT To amend section one thousand eight hundred and ten of the code. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That section one thousand eight hundred and ten of 
the Code of North Carohna be amended by adding thereto the words : 
"That all marriages between an Indian and a negro or between ;in 



228 INDIANS OF NORTH CAKOLINA. 

Indian and a person of negro descent to the third generation, inclu- 
sive, shall be utterly void: Provided, This act shaU only apply to the 
Croatan Indians." 

Sec. 2. This act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 

(In the general assembly read three times, and ratified this 7th day 
of March, A. D. 1887.) 



Exhibit 18. 

[Laws of North Carolina, session of 1889, chapter 458.] 

AN ACT To amend chapter fifty-seven, acts of one thousand eight hundred and 
eighty-five, in reference to the schools of Croatan Indians in Richmond County. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That the citizens of Richmond County who are Croatan 
Indians, or the descendants of such who are known as such, or who 
have a distinct race identity as such, shall be entitled to the same 
school privileges and benefits as are granted to other Croatan Indians 
in Robeson County under the provisions of said act of one thousand 
eight hundred and eighty-five, chapter fifty-one, and the act or acts 
subsequent to and amendatory of the act of one thousand eight 
hundred and eighty-five. 

Sec. 2. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 

(Ratified the 11th day of March, A. D. 1889.) 



Exhibit 19. 

[Laws of North Carolina, session of 1889, chapter 60.] 

AN ACT To amend the laws of 1885 and 1887 so as to provide additional educational 
facilities for the Croatan Indians, citizens of Robeson County, North Carolina. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That Chapter Fifty-one, section two, of the Laws of 
One thousand eight hundred and eighty-five be amended by adding 
after the word "law" in the last line of said section the words, "and 
there shall be excluded from such separate schools for the said 
Croatan Indians all children of the negro race to the fourth generation." 

Sec. 2. That section seven. Chapter Four hundred, of the Laws of 
One thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven be amended as follows : 
Strike out in lines two and three the words, "for two years and no 
longer;" strike out in line fifteen all after the words "eighty-eight," 
and insert "and every six months thereafter." 

Sec. 3. That section ten of said Chapter Four hundred, Laws of 
One thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven, be amended by 
striking out in line three the word "fifteen" and inserting the word 
"ten" in lieu thereof. 

Sec. 4. This act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 

(Ratified the 2d day of February, A. D. 1889.) 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 229 

Exhibit LIO. 

[Public laws of North Carolina, session of 1897, chapter 536.] 
AN ACT In relation to the Croatan Normal School in Kobeson County. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That there shall be placed to the credit of the Croatan 
Normal School of Robeson County out of the general educational 
fund in the hands of the State treasurer, the sum of two hundred and 
eighty-one 25.100 dollars, being the unexpended appropriation for 
the year 1895; and the treasurer is hereby authorized to pay Prof. 
P. B. Hiden, upon the approval of his claim by the board of trustees 
and the commissioners of Robeson County, out of the above $281 & 
25/100, the sum of forty ($40) dollars for services heretofore rendered 
in 1896. 

Sec. 2. This act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 

(Ratified the 9th day of March, A. D. 1897.) 



Exhibit Lll. 
[Public laws of North Carolina, session of 1911, chapter 168.] 

AN ACT To empower the trustees of the Indian School of Robeson County to transfer 
title to property of said school by deed to State board of education, ancl to provide 
for the appointment of trustees for said school. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That in accordance with the recent action of the 
trustees, in meeting assembled, of the Croatan State normal school, 
known as the Indian Normal School of Robeson County, situated 
near Pembroke, North Carolina, said school being incorporated under 
Chapter Four hundred, Public Laws of One thousand eight hundred 
and eighty-seven, which action of the trustees of said school has been 
duly certified to by the president, C. R. Sampson, and the secretary, 
A. A. Locklear, the said trustees are hereby empowered to convey by 
deed to the State board of education the title to all property of said 
school, and the State board of education is hereby authorized to 
accept same. 

Sec. 2. That the State board of education shall appoint seven 
members of the Indian race, formally known as Croatans, to be con- 
stituted the board of trustees of said school, as foUows: Two members 
for the term of two years, two for the term of four years, and three 
for the term of six years; and, at the expiration of these terms, their 
successors shall be appointed by the State board of education for a 
term of six years. 

Sec. 3. That the board of trustees of said Indian normal school 
Robeson County shall have the power to employ and discharge 
teachers, to prevent negroes from attending said school, and to exer- 
cise the usual functions of control and management of said school, 
their action being subject to the approval of the State board of 
education. 

Sec. 4. That all laws and clauses of laws in conflict with this act are 
hereby repealed. 

Sec. 5. This act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 

(Ratified this the 8th day of March, A. D. 1911.) 



230 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Exhibit LI 2. 

[Public Laws of North Carolina, Session of 1911, Chapter 215.] 

AN ACT To change the name of the Indians in Robeson County and to provide for 
said Indians separate apartments in the State hospital. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That Chapter Fifty-one of the Pubhc Laws of North 
CaroHna, session of eighteen hundred and eighty-five, be, and the same 
is hereby, amended by striking out the words "Croatan Indians" 
wherever the same occur in said chapter and inserting in lieu thereof 
the words "Indians of Robeson County." 

Sec. 2. That in all laws enacted by the General Assembly of 
North Carolina relating to said Indians subsequent to the enactment 
of said Chapter Fifty-one of the Laws of Eighteen hundred and 
eighty-five, the words "Croatan Indians" be, and the same are 
hereby, stricken out and the words "Indians of Robeson County" 
inserted in heu thereof. 

Sec. 3. And that the said Indians residing in Robeson and adjoin- 
ing counties which have heretofore been known as Croatan Indians, 
together with their descendants, shall hereafter be known and desig- 
nated as "Indians of Robeson County," and by that name shall be 
entitled to all the rights and privileges conferred by any of the laws 
of North Carolina upon the Indians heretofore known as Croatan 
Indians, 

Sec. 4. That the school situated near the town of Pembroke, in 
Robeson County, known as Croatan Indian Normal School, shall 
hereafter be known and designated as "The Indian Normal School of 
Robeson County," and in that name shall be entitled to all of the 

Srivileges and powers heretofore conferred by any law of the State of 
forth Carolina or any laws hereafter enacted for the benefit of said 
school. 

Sec. 5. That the board of directors for the State Hospital for the 
Insane at Raleigh are hereby authorized and directed to provide 
and set apart at said hospital, as soon after the passage of this act as 
practicable, suitable apartments and wards for the accommodation 
of any of said Indians of Robeson County who may be entitled under 
the laws relating to insane persons to be admitted to said hospital. 

Sec. 6. That the sheriff, jailer, or other proper authorities of 
Robeson County shall provide in the common jail of Robeson County 
and in the Home for the Aged and Infirm of Robeson County separate 
cells, wards, or apartments for the said Indians of Robeson County, 
in all cases where it shaU be necessary under the laws of this State to 
commit any of said Indians to said jail or County Home for the Aged 
and Infirm. 

Sec. 7. That all laws and clauses of laws in conflict with this act are 
hereby repealed. 

Sec. 8. That this act shaU be m force from and after its ratification. 

(Ratified this 8th day of March, A. D. 1911.) 



IlilDIAN^S OF NOETH CAROLINA. ~ 231 

Exhibit 113. 

[Public Laws of North Carolina, Session of 1913, Chapter 123.] 

AN ACT To restore to the Indians residing in Robeson and adjoining counties their 
rightful and ancient name. 

TJie General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That Chapter Two hundred and fifteen of the Public 
Laws of North Carohna, session one thousand nine hundred and 
eleven, be, and the same is hereby, amended by striking out in the 
last line of said section one the words "Indians of Robeson County," 
and inserting in heu thereof the words "Cherokee Indians of Robeson 
County." 

Sec. 2. That section two of said Chapter Two hundred and fifteen 
of the Public Laws of North Carolina, session one thousand nine 
hundred and eleven, be, and the same is herebj^, amended by striking 
out the words "Indians of Robeson County," in the fifth line of said 
section two, and inserting in Ueu thereof the words "Cherokee 
Indians of Robeson County," 

Sec. 3. That said Chapter Two hundred and fifteen of the Pubhc 
Laws of North Carolina, session one thousand nine hundred and 
eleven, be further amended by striking out the words "Indians of 
Robeson County," in line four of said section three, and inserting in 
lieu thereof the words "Cherokee Indians of Robeson County." 

Sec. 4. That the Indians residing in Robeson and adjoining 
counties who have heretofore been known as "Croatan Indians" or 
"Indians of Robeson County," together with their descendants, shall 
hereafter be known and desigpated as "Cherokee Indians of Robeson 
County," and by that name shaU be entitled to aU the rights and 
privileges heretofore or hereafter conferred by any law or laws of the 
State of North Carolina upon the Indians heretofore known as the 
"Croatan Indians" or "Indians of Robeson County," including all 
such rights and privileges as have been conferred upon said Indians 
by Chapter Two hundred and fifteen of the PubUc Laws of North 
Carohna, session one thousand nine hundred and eleven. 

Sec. 5. Neither this act nor any other act relating to said "Cher- 
okee Indians of Robeson County" shall be construed so as to impose 
on said Indians any powers, privileges, rights, or immunities or any 
limitations on their power to contract, heretofore enacted with refer- 
ence to the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians residing in Cherokee, 
Graham, Swain, Jackson, and other adjoining counties in North 
Carolina, or any other band or tribe of Cherokee Indians other than 
those now residing, or who have, since the Revolutionary War, 
resided in Robeson County, nor shall said "Cherokee Indians of 
Robeson County," as herein designated be subject to the limitations 
provided in section nine hundred and seventy-five and nine hundred 
and seventy-six of the revisal of one thousand nine hundred and five 
of North Carohna. 

Sec. 6. That Chapter Two hundred and fifteen of the Pubhc Laws 
of North Carolina, session one thousand nine hundred and eleven, be 
further amended by striking out the words "Indian Normal School of 
Robeson County," in the third and fourth fines of said section four 
of said Chapter Two hundred and fifteen, and inserting in lieu thereof 
the words "Cherokee Indian Normal School of Robeson County." 



232 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Sec. 7. That all laws and clauses of laws in conflict with the pro- 
visions of this act are hereby repealed. 

Sec. 8. That this act shall be in force and effect from and after its 
ratification. 

(In the general assembly read three times and ratified this the 11th 
day of March, 1913.) 

Exhibit 114. 

[Public Laws of North Carolina, Session of 1913, Chapter 199.] 

AN ACT To provide for the maintenance and support of the Indian Normal School of 

Robeson County. 

The General Asserribly of North Carolina do enact: 

Section 1. That in addition to the sum of two thousand two 
hundred and fifty dollars ($2,250) appropriated by the General 
Assembly of North Carolina, session of nmeteen hundred and thirteen, 
for the maintenance of the Indian Normal School of Robeson County, 
the further sum of five hundred dollars is hereby annually appropriated 
for the years one thousand nine hundred and thirteen and one thou- 
sand nine hundred and fourteen for the support and maintenance of 
said school. 

Sec. 2. That the appropriation herein made shall be drawn out by 
the auditor upon his warrant, and thereupon shall be charged by the 
State treasurer to the account of said school. 

Sec. 3. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 

(In general assembly read three times and ratified this the 12th 
day of March, 1913.) 



EXHIBIT M. 

CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE INVESTIGATION OP THE 
CONDITION, TRIBAL RIGHTS, ETC., OP THE INDIANS OF ROBESON 
COUNTY, N. C. 

July 23, 1914. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson=, Special Agent. 

My Dear Mr. McPherson: Upon the receipt of these instructions, 
or as soon thereafter as practicable, you will proceed to North Caro- 
lina for the purpose of investigating the affairs of the Croatan Indians 
of Robeson and adjoining counties of that State, as provided for by 
Senate resolution 410. 

This resolution reads: 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he hereby is, directed to cause 
an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of Robeson 
and adjoining counties of North Carolina, recently declared by the Legislature of 
North Carolina to be Cherokees, and formerly known as Croatans, and report to Con- 
gress what tribal rights, if any, they have with any band or tribe; whether they are 
entitled to or have received any lands, or whether there are any moneys due them, 
their present condition, their educational facilities, and such other facts as woidd 
enable Congress to determine whether the Government would be warranted in mak- 
ing suitable provision for their support and education. 

Extreme care should be exercised by you in obtaining all pertinent 
facts relative to the condition and tribal rights of these Indians, in 
order that this office may be prepared to submit to the next Congress, 
through the department, full information responsive to said reso- 
lution. 

Very truly, yours, 

Cato Sells, 
Commissioner. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

WasTiington, July 24, 1914. 
The Auditor of North Carolina, 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Sm: The United States Senate, on June 30, 1914, passed a reso- 
lution (S. Res. 410) directing the Secretary of the Interior to cause 
an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights, edu- 
cational facilities, etc., of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining 
counties in North Carolina, commonly known as Croatans, and to 
make a report to Congress respecting their rights, etc. 

I have been detailed to make the investigation called for by said 
Senate resolution. 

I will thank you very much to send me, to Lumberton, N. C, at 
your earliest convenience, such facts and information from the files 
and_ records of your office, or from other sources, respecting the said 
Indians as are available. 

233 



234 



INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 



I especially desire to learn the number of these Indians by counties, 
the number paying taxes in each county, the amount of personal 
taxes, amount of real-estate taxes, and other facts relating to their 
history or rights as may be shown by the records of your office or 
as are available from other sources. I will be pleased to receive 
any information concerning them which would enable the Secretary 
of the Interior better to comply with the terms of said Senate reso- 
lution. An early response wul be appreciated. 

I inclose a self-addressed envelope for reply, which will not require 
postage. 

Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 



Department of the State Auditor, 

Raleigh, N. 0., July 28,1914. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent, Lumberton, N. G. 
Dear Sir: Answering your letter of July 24, which you handed 
me this date, I give you the following information, taken from the 
records of this department: 



ROBESON COUNTY. 

Numtier Indian polls 

Value property listed for taxation 

SCOTLAND COUNTY. 

Number Indian polls 

V^ue property listed for taxation 

HOKE COtJNTY. 

Number of Indian polls 

Value property listed for taxation 




1913 



1,010 
$506,094 



44 
$5,689 



28 
$4,463 



The records on file in this department from Cumberland, Bladen, 
and Columbus Counties do not show any Indian polls. 
Yours, truly, 

W. P. Wood, State Auditor. 

By Baxter Durham, Tax Clerk. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

WasTiington, July 24, 1914- 
The Superintendent of Public Instruction 

OF North Carolina, 

Raleiglh, N. C. 
Sir: The United States Senate, on June 30, 1914, passed a resolu- 
tion (S. Res. 410) directing the Secretary of the Interior to cause an 
investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights, educa- 
tional facilities, etc., of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining counties 



INDIANS OF NOKTH CAROLINA. 235 

in North Carolina, commonly known as Croatans, and to make a 
report to Congress respecting their rights, etc. 

I have been detailed to make the investigation called for by said 
Senate resolution. 

I will thank you very much to send me, to Lumberton, N. C, at 
your earliest convenience, such facts and information from the files 
and records of your office, or from other sources, respecting the said 
Indians as are available. 

I especially desire to be advised of the number of said Indians, their 
location as to counties, the number of school age, the number and 
character of established schools, the number attending school in each 
county, together with the provision that the State of North Carolina 
has made for the education of said Indians; in short, I desire to obtain 
full information respecting the educational facilities provided the 
Croatans. An early response will be appreciated. 

I inclose to you for reply a self-addressed envelope which will 
require no postage. 

Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, 

State of North Carolina, 

Raleigh, August 3, 191 j^. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Lurriberton, N. C. 
Dear Sir: Your letter of July 24 to the superintendent of public 
instruction of North Carolina was referred to me for reply. We have 
no statistics on the Croatan Indians other than the school population 
for Kobeson County. Mr. Joyner's report for 1911-12 shows that 
there were 2,183 Croatans of school age — 6 to 21 years — in Robeson 
County; 1,159 enroUed in the public schools, with an average daily 
attendance of 602. In addition to this we enroUed in the Indian 
Normal School at Pembroke 134 pupils, with an average attendance 
of 105. 

In sections 4236 to 4242, inclusive, you will find the law establish- 
ing this normal school. The sections referred to are in volume 2 of the 
revisal of 1905 of North Carolina. You will find the amendment in 
the laws of 1907, 1911, 1913. Section 4086 of the revisal provides 
for separate schools for the descendants of the Croatan Indians now 
living in Robeson and Richmond Counties. Sections 4168-4171, 
inclusive, indicate the manner in which this law is to be carried out. 
You will see in the matter of education in the elementary schools 
these Indians are put on the same footing as the other races. 
Very truly, yours, 

E. E. Sams, 
Supervisor Teacher Training. 



Washington, D. C, July 24, 1914. 
Mr. James E. Henderson, 

Superintendent of Indian School, CheroTcee, N. C. 
Sir: The United States Senate on June 30, 1914, passed a resolution 
(S. Res. 410) directing the Secretary of the Interior to cause an inves- 



236 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

tigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights of the Indians 
of Bobeson and adjoining counties in North CaroHna, commonly 
known as Croatans, and to make a report to Congress respecting their 
condition, rights, etc. 

Said resolution is as follows : 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he hereby is, directed to cause 
an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of Robe- 
son and adjoining counties of North Carolina, recently declared by the Legislature 
of North Carolina, to be Cherokees, and formerly known as Croatans, and report to 
Congress what tribal rights, if any, they have with any band or tribe; whether they 
are entitled to or have received any lands, or whether there are any moneys due 
them, their present condition, their educational facilities, and such other facts as 
would enable Congress to determine whether the Government would be warranted 
in making suitable provision for their support and education. 

Special Agent O. M. McPherson has been detailed to make the inves- 
tigation called for by said Senate resolution. 

You are requested to communicate with the special agent at 
Lumberton, N. C, giving him all the information shown by the files 
of your agency, and such other information as you can obtain from 
other sources, concerning the subject matter of said resolution. 
Please make this matter special, and furnish Special Agent McPherson 
with the information at the earliest practicable date. 
Very respectfully, 

E. B. Meritt, 
Assistant Commissioner. 



Cherokee, N. C, July 28, 1914. 

Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent, Lumberton, N. C. 

My Dear Mr. McPherson: I am in receipt of a letter from the 
Indian office saying that you had been put in charge of certain inves- 
tigations among the Croatan Indians of Bobeson and adjoining 
counties of North Carohna and directing me to furnish you with afl 
the information available at this place to aid you in the work. 

Since the Croatans and the Cherokees have never been connected 
either ofiicially or socially the Cherokees refusing to recognize the 
Croatans there is very little in our files that will be of service to you 
in the work. During my time here I have seen only a very few 
letters with reference to the Croatans, and I beheve that they were 
copies of letters from former Supt. Kyselka to the department telhng 
the department that the Croatans were trying to get an act through 
the North Carolina Legislature making them Cherokees. If you so 
desire I will hunt up all of the correspondence with reference to the 
matter and will send you either the originals or the copies as you 
may desire. 

I have always been interested in Croatan affairs, yet I think they 
have nothing in common with our Cherokees. 

In connection with your work you had better come to Cherokee 
and get some of our cold water and fine air. It must be rather warm 
down there just now. 

Assuring you of all of the aid I am possible to give in your new 
undertaking, I am. 

Very respectfully, 

James E. Henderson, 

Superintendent. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAKOLIITA. 237 

LuMBERTON, N. C, July 30, 1914. 
James E. Henderson, Esq., 

Superintendent Cherokee School, Cherokee, N. C. 
My Dear Mr. Henderson: I have received your letter of July 28, 
referring to a recent Indian office letter directing you to furnish me, 
in connection with the investigation I am making of the condition 
and tribal rights, etc., of the Indians of Kobeson and adjoining 
counties of North CaroUna, as authorized by Senate Resolution 410, 
all the information in your files relating to the proposed investigation. 
You refer to certain correspondence had by your predecessor, Supt. 
Kyselka, with the Indian office, concerning the Croatan Indians. 

I will thank you very much to send me copies of all correspondence 
in your files relating in any way to the so-called Croatan Indians; 
I think it proper that the originals should remain on file in your office. 
Please send me also copies of all papers, printed matter, etc., at 
your command which would be of value to me in said investigation. 
An early response will be appreciated. 

Would, indeed, be glad to have some of your pure water and fine 
air, though the weather just now is very comfortable. 
Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Cherokee, N. C, August 5, 1914-. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent, Lumherton, N. C. 
My Dear Mr. McPherson: Answering yours of July 30, I will say 
that we have been looking through the files in this office for papers 
that you might be able to use, but am sorry to say that to this time 
we have been unable to find anything. I remember to have seen a 
letter from Mr. Kyselka to the department with reference to the 
matter since I have been here. I will keep up the search and will 
forward to you anything I am able to find. Since the Cherokees have 
had nothing whatever to do with the Robeson County Indians, I fear 
that we will be able to find very little that will throw light on the 
subject. 

I trust that you can make it convenient to come to Cherokee before 
you leave Lumherton. I have always had a desire to go to that 
locality and hope that I can pay you a visit before you leave there. 
With the kindest regards, I am, very respectfully, 

James E. Henderson, 

Superintendent. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, July 24, 1914. 
The Superintendent of Schools of Columbus County, 

Whiteville, N. C. 
Sir: The United States Senate, on June 30, 1914, passed a resolu- 
tion (S. Res. 410) directing the Secretary of the Interior to cause an 
investigation to be made of the conditions and tribal rights, educa- 
tional facilities, etc., of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining coun- 



238 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

ties in North Carolina, commonly known as Croatans, and to make a 
report to Congress respecting their rights, etc. 

I have been detailed to make the investigation called for by said 
Senate resolution. 

I will thank you very much to send me, to Lumberton, N. C, at 
your earliest convenience, such facts and information from the files 
and records of Colimibus County ofiice as are available respecting the 
number of Croatan Indians, if any, in your county; the number of 
families; the number of children of school age; number attending 
school; school facilities provided by the State and county for said 
Indians; the kind and value of their property in the county and 
amount of taxes paid by them; also any other information respecting 
said Indians which would enable the Secretary of the Interior better 
to comply with the terms of said Senate resolution. An early 
response will be appreciated. 

I inclose a self-addressed envelope for reply, which will not require 
postage. 

KespectfuUy, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 



Chadbourn, N. C, July 28, 1914. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Lumlerton, N. C. 

Dear Sir: So far as I can learn our files show no record of any 
Indians residing in Columbus County. There are a few scattering 
ones who have come down from Robeson, but this number is so smafl 
that noprovision has been made for them in our schools. 

Mr. K. B. Council, of Wananish, N. C, knows more about those 
who call themselves Indians in our county than anyone else. He 
has made a special study of their history and could give you some 
valuable information concerning them. We have a few in our county 
who claim to be Indians but who have always been recognized as 
colored people. Some of these are petitioning us to recognize them 
as Indians, but because of the lack of knowledge of their ancestors 
we have not yet been able to grant their request. I seriously doubt 
whether or not we have any pure-blooded Indians in the county 
except a few scattering from Robeson. 
Yours, truly, 

F. T. WOOTEN, 

County Swperintendent. 



Lumberton, N. C, July 29, 1914- 
Mr. K. B. Council, 

Wananish. 
Dear Sir: The United States Senate on June 30, 1914, passed a 
resolution (S. Res. 410) directing the Secretary of the Interior to cause 
an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights, educa- 
tional facilities, etc., of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining coun- 
ties of North Carolina, and to make a report to Congress respecting 
their tribal rights, etc. 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAROLINA. 239 

I have been detailed to make the mvestigation called for by said 
Senate resolution. 

Mr. F. T. Wooten, superintendent of schools of Columbus County, 
has advised me that you are well informed concerning the history and 
condition of the Croatan Indians, and could probably give me some 
valuable information concerning them. 

I will thank you very much to give me at your earhest convenience 
a very full statement relating to the history and condition of said 
Indians. An early reply will be appreciated. 
Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPheeson, 
Special Indian Agent. 



LuMBERTON, N. C, July 29, 1914- 
Hon. Cato Sells, 

Commissioner Indian Affairs, Washington, D. G. 
My Dear Mr. Sells: Referring to my instructions of July 23, 1914, 
to proceed to North Carolina and to investigate the condition, etc., 
of the Indians of Robeson County, and adjoining counties in North 
Carolina, as directed by Senate resolution No. 410, dated Jime 30, 
1914, I beg to invite your attention to that part of the resolution 
reading : 

* * * and report to Congress what tribal rights, if any, they have with any 
band or tribe; whether they are entitled to or have receivea any lands, or whether 
there are any moneys due them * * * 

These are matters which an investigation in the field can not read- 
ily develop, and I will thank you very much to advise me at your ear- 
liest convenience what the files, records, and papers of the Indian 
office show on these subjects. 
An early reply will be very much appreciated. 
Very respectfully, 

0. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August 4, 1914- 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Special Iridian Agent, Lumberton, N. C. 
My Dear Mr. McPherson: The office is in receipt of your letter 
of July 29, 1914, regarding the tribal rights, etc., of Indians of Robe- 
son and adjoining counties of North Carolina, otherwise known as 
Croatans. 

The main file relative to these Indians is now in your possession, 
and, ii is beUeved, contains aU the information now available. It 
further appears that you consulted the records of the "old files" rela- 
tive to the Croatans before your departure from this city. 

For your further information, however, there is inclosed a copy of 
a report of June 6, 1914, to the Congress on Senate resolution 344. 
Very truly yours, 

C. F. Hauke, 
Second Assistant Commissioner. 



240 indians of north carolina. 

Department of the Interior, 

Washington, June 6, 1814' 
Hon. Henry F. Ashurst, 

Chairman Committee on Indian Affairs, 

United States Senate. 

My Dear Senator: The department is in receipt of your letter of 
April 29, 1914, transmitting a copy of Senate resolution 344, Sixty- 
tnird Congress, second session, providing for an investigation of the 
present condition, educational facihties, etc., of alleged Cherokee 
Indians in "Robeson and adjoining counties of North Carolina." 

The department has heretofore made reports to Congress on the 
conditions of these Indians, based upon an investigation made by 
a supervisor of Indian schools in 1912 in connection with school mat- 
ters, and for the information of your committee there is iuclosed a 
copy of his report of March 2, 1912. That report shows substantially 
as follows: 

First. The Croatan Indians, as these people are called, number 
about 10,000 people, of whom about 7,000 reside in Robeson County. 
The ancestry of these Indians has been much in doubt in the past, 
but they are now recognized as having originated from the white colo- 
nists of the lost colony of the Roanoke and the Indians from remnants 
of several powerful southern tribes. 

Second. These Indians show several positively different types, 
having no Indian language and no distinctive customs, and being 
unable to communicate with other Indians except through the me- 
dium of the English language. 

Third. UntU the year 1835 the Croatans were allowed to vote, own 
slaves, build churches and schoolhouses, and hve as comfortably as 
their white neighbors. The right of suffrage was denied them in 
1835, but the Croatans rebelled continuously untU they were again 
recognized as citizens in 1885 and given their right as such. 

Fourth. There are but few fuU bloods among the Croatans, although 
a large majority of them seem to be at least three-fourths Indian. 
They are classed as good citizens, are quite industrious, law abiding, 
and are said to be much interested in education. 

Fifth. The Croatans own 28,092 acres of good land, assessed at 
present $334,212, which is considerably below its actual value. 
Their personal property schedules $205,205, and they pay $1,247 in 
poU taxes. They are considered good farmers and raise as much 
cotton to the acre as many of the white planters. Some of the 
Indians are poor, but several of them have very good homes, the 
owners being worth from $6,000 to $10,000 each. 

Sixth. The State of North Carohna is doing for the Croatans just 
what the State of New York is doing for her Indians, giving them a 
fair common school education. There are 26 Indian district schools, 
with an enrollment of 1,094 pupils, and in addition, the State has 
established a so-called normal scnool at Pembroke for these Croatan 
day schools. 

The following is an excerpt from the Indian census of North Caro- 
lina as of June 1, 1890: 

A body of people residing chiefly in Robeson County, North Carolina, known as the 
Croatan Indians, are generally white, showing the Indian mostly in actions and habits. 
They were enumerated by the regular census enumerator in part as whites. They 
are clannish and hold with considerable pride to the traditions that they are descend- 
ants of the Croatans of the Raleigh period of North Carolina and Virginia. 



INDIANS OF NOKTH CAEOLLNA. 241 

Mr. Hamilton McMillan, of Fayetteville, North Carolina, in 1888 publislied a pam- 
phlet of 27 pages, the title page of which is as follows: "Sir Walter Raleigh's lost col- 
ony * * * with the traditions of an Indian tribe in North Carolina, Wilson, North 
Carolina. " This pamphlet is to show that Raleigh's colony was carried off by the 
Indians, and that the Croatan Indians of North Carolina are their descendants. Mr. 
McMillan also, in answering an inquiry in reference to the Croatans, wrote the follow- 
ing to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: 

Red Springs, N. C, July 17, 1890. 

* * * The Croatan Tribe lives principally in Robeson County, North CaroUna, 
though there is quite a number of them settled in counties adjoining in North and 
South Carolina. In Sumter County, South Carolina, there is a branch of the tribe, 
and also in east Tennessee. In Macon County, North Carolina, there is another 
branch, settled there long ago. Those living in east Tennessee are called "Melun- 
geane," a name also retained by them here, which is a corruption of "Melange," a 
name given them by early settlers (French), which means mixed. * * * In 
regard to their exodus from Roanoke Island their traditions are confirmed by maps 
recently discovered in Europe by Prof. Alexander Brown, member of the Royal 
Historical Society of England. These maps are dated in 1608 and 1610, and give the 
reports of the Croatans to Raleigh's ships which visited our coast in those years. 
* * * The particulars of the exodus preserved by tradition here are strangely 
and strongly corroborated by these maps. There can be little doubt of the fact that 
the Croatans in Robeson County and elsewhere are the descendants of the Croatans 
of Raleigh's day. 

From information available at this time, it does not appear that 
the Croatans ever affiliated with or have been recognized by the 
Eastern Cherokee Indians. No money or land is due the Croatans 
from the Government. The department will be glad to make a 
further investigation of the affairs of these Indians, but a sufficient 
amount should be appropriated to defray the expense thereof. It 
is estimated this would require about $1,000. 
Cordially, yours, 

A. A. Jones, 
First Assistant Secretary. 

LuMBERTON, N. C, July 29, 1914. 
Mr. Hamilton McMillan, 

Fayetteville, N. C. 

Dear Sir: On June 30, 1914, the United States Senate passed a 
resolution (S. Res. 410) directing the Secretary of the Interior to 
cause an investigation to be made of the condition and tribal rights, 
educational facilities, etc., of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining 
counties of North Carolina, and to make a report to Congress respect- 
ing their tribal rights, etc. 

I have been detailed to make the investigation called for by said 
Senate resolution. I have a copy of your booklet entitled "Sir 
Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony." 

I would regard it as a favor, in the interests of the Indians, if you 
would furnish me with any information you have concerning said 
Indians not contained in your pamphlet. 

Please send me, also, any information at your command concern- 
ing the location of the scattered members of the tribe, not residing 
in Robeson County, their present condition, their present school 
facilities, and what the State of North Carolina is doing for the 
education of the young members of the tribe. 

An early reply will be appreciated. 
Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

75321°— S. Doc. 677, 63-3 16 



242 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

Red Springs, N. C, August 2, 1914. 
Hon. O. M. McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent, Lumberton, N. C. 

Dear Sir: Circumstances beyond my control have prevented a 
re;^y to your recent favor relative to the Indians of Robeson County. 

Tradition is the Indian's history. The Indians in Robeson are 
known as Croatans. Croatan is the Indian name for an island on 
the eastern coast of North Carolina, and the early English naturally 
called the Indians there Croatans from the locality where they were 
located, and so they are designated today. ' These Indians call them- 
selves Cherokees. During past 30 years I have interviewed hundreds 
of them, and the inquiry as to their origin was, without an exception, 
in favor of their being Cherokees. They pointed to the great roads 
leading to the mountains in western Nortn Carolina by which their 
ancestors traveled to the eastern coast. These great roads are the 
Lowrie Road, an ancient trail along the coast when the ocean 
extended far west of the present coast line, and the Morganton Road, 
once an Indian trail but in past century improved by United States 
Government and made straight. There was another great trail now 
known as the Yadkin Road, these roads converging near the present 
town of Fayetteville. 

All the tribes in North Carolina, except the Tuscaroras, were 
originally Cherokee if we accept tradition. The Tuscaroras were at 
war with the Cherokee Nation, which was a mountain tribe using 
the eastern portion of our State as a hunting ground. Permanent 
settlements were made along these great trails, and the Indians 
traveled back and forth along these trails, and occasionally imigrants 
from eastern North Carohna now travel on the old Lowrie Road 
toward the Pedee and Catawba Rivers. The Indians on the coast 
were friendly to white men at first, and those now known as Croatans 
claim that they were always the friends of white men; that they 
received the white colony left on Roanoke Island in 1587, and 
amalgamated with them. They have about 40 family names 
among them that are found in the families left in Roanoke Island as 
preserved by Haklyt. See Hawks' History of North Carolina, vol. 1. 

These Indians, numbering nearly 6,000, have no records. The 
oldest deed in Robeson County is one made by George II to Henry 
Berry and James Lowrie in 1732. This deed was lost through care- 
lessness of a surveyor. I have seen and handled that deed, which 
called for 100 acres of land in upper Robeson, now Hoke, at present 
owned by Hon. D. P. McEachern, of Red Springs. 

I was in search of different persons among these people many years 
ago, and they located some of them in Florida, western North Caro- 
hna, and New Mexico. Many of the Indians in Robeson County in 
1713 joined "Bonnul" in fighting the Tuscaroras near Pamhco 
Sound. C'Bonnul" was Gen. Barn weU.) Handed down from father 
to son through many generations is the universal tradition that their 
ancestors were Cherokees. 

Since their recognition as a separate race they have made wonder- 
ful progress. Their hatred of the Negro is stronger than that enter- 
tained by Caucasians. 

A crowd of Indians from Macon County was present before a 
joint committee of the senate and house in 1913, in Raleigh, N. C, 
and lined up with them were Indians from Robeson. The resem- 



INDIANS OF NORTH CABOLINA, 243 

blance was very striking, so much so that Senator G. B. McLeod, 
coming before the committee, mistook the western Cherokees as 
Robeson Comity Indians. 

I am pleased to learn that you will spend some time in your inves- 
gation. You will find much ignorance among them as to their origin, 
as they leave the traditions of the tribe to the old chroniclers of the 
tribe, and these chroniclers are passing away. 

Several of these Indians have lived among the Cherokees in Indian 
Territory — notably Washington Lowrie, now Hving but a helpless 
invahd. Their ancestors fought for American independence and 
again served in War of 1812. See records in office of adjutant gen- 
eral at Raleigh, N. C. 

The names Lowrie and LocMayah and Oxendine are the only Indian 
dian names I can find among them, and these are Cherokee names. 

Wishing you abundant success in your work and with my best 
wishes, 

I am, respectfully, yours, 

Hamilton McMillan. 

P. S. — I am somewhat an invalid, and my penmanship may trouble 
you to decipher. 

H. McMillan. 



Lumberton, N. C, Jvly 30, 191J^. 
Superintendent of Schools of Hoke County, 

Raeford, N. G. 

Dear Sir: I have been sent to Lumberton, N. C, by the Secretary 
of the Interior to make an investigation of the condition and tribal 
rights of the Indians residing in Robeson and adjoining counties in 
North Carohna. I am advised by Hon. W. P. Wood, State auditor, 
that there are a few Indians in Hoke County. 

I wiU thank you very much to send me, to Lumberton, N. C, at 
your earhest convenience, such facts and information as are shown 
by the records and files of Hoke County respecting the number of 
Indians in your county ; the number of families ; number of children 
of school age; number attending school; the school facihties pro- 
vided by the State and county for the Indians ; the kind and value of 
their property; amount of their property listed for taxation, and 
any other information respecting the Indians which you think would 
be of value to me in the investigation I am making. An early re- 
sponse will be appreciated. 

Very respectfully, O. M. McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent. 

Board of Education, Hoke County, 

Raeford, N. C, August 4, 1914. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Lumberton, N. C. 
Dear Sir : In reply to your letter, I will give you what information 
I can concerning the Indians in Hoke County. There has never been 
a census of the county taken since it was established, three years ago, 
and consequently the only information that I can give will have to 
come from the tax books. 



244 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

I think that there are a few Indians and part Indians scattered 
about aU over the county, but in the tax books they are listed sepa- 
rately in two townships, Allendale and Antioch. Their polls and 
property is as f oUows : 

PoUs, $32. Value live stock, $2,782; farming utensils, etc., $529; 
household and kitchen furniture, etc., $250; bicycles, etc., $15; jew- 
elry, $9; land, 6 acres, value $60. Total value personal property, 
$3,584; total, real and personal property, $3,644. 

We have never been able to get a complete census of the school 
children, but I think that there are about 65 or 70. We established 
a school for them last year, but they taught only two months of school, 
at a salary of $25 per month. The enrollment was 33. We are 
planning to establish another school for them the coming year and to 
continue the one they had last year. 

The Indians that we have, as you see from the amount of land that 
they own, are not permanent settlers, but tenants. This being the 
case, it is a pretty hard problem to know just how to deal with them. 
I would be very glad if you could suggest some way that we can deal 
with them in the way of education. They are good laborers and are 
continually spreading out into new territory. They are roixed in 
with the whites and colored people, and we have to maintain three 
separate schools covering the same territory, and this, as you know, 
is very expensive. 

I would be glad to have you visit this county while you are in this 
section, and for you to see the exact status of the Indians here. If 
you can come up for a day or two, let me know in advance so that I 
can be here to meet you. 
Very truly, yours, 

J. A. McGooGAN, 

County Superintendejit. 

LuMBERTON, N. C, August 4, 1914- 
Publisher The Charlotte Observer, 

Charlotte, N. C. 
Dear Sir: I am advised that Col. Fred. A. Olds, secretary North 
Carolina Historical Association, early in the summer of 1908 made a 
visit to the Croatan Indians of Robeson County, N. C, and wrote an 
extended account of his visit, which was published in the Charlotte 
Observer of June 21, 1908. If a copy of said issue is available for 
distribution I will thank you very much to send me a copy. I am 
making an investigation of the affairs of the Croatan Indians in 
obedience to Senate resolution 410. 
Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Charlotte, N. C, August 10, 1914- 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Lumherton, N. C. 

Dear Sir : In reply to your letter of recent date, we regret to state 

that we are unable to furnish you with a copy of The Observer of 

June 21, 1908. The only copy we have of this is in our bound file. 

It covers about 12 columns, or nearly 2 pages in our paper. If at 



INDIANS OF NOETH CAEOLHSTA. 245 

any time you are in this city we will be glad to lend you our files so 
that you can read this article, or we could have same typewritten 
for 5 cents per typewritten sheet. 
Yours, very truly, 

The Observer Co., 
Paul H. Brown, 

Circulation Manager. 

Department of the Interior, 
Office Commissioner Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August 4, 1914- 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Special Agent, United States Indian Service, 

Lumberton, N. C. 
My Dear Mr. McPherson: I understand there is to be a meeting 
of the Croatan Indians on the 11th of August and that this meeting 
is likely to develop more or less things of interest along the line of your 
inquiry. Consequently, I suggest that you take advantage of the 
coming together of this body of Indians, and thereby acquire all the 
additional dependable information possible. 

It is my desire that you shall get at the exact facts regardless of 
resolutions or expressions of interest. It is the facts we want, and 
on them alone will we be able to draw satisfactory conclusions. 
Please make your investigation thorough to the end that there will be 
no occasion for its repetition, as we are now being called upon to do. 
Sincerely yours, 

Cato Sells, 
Commissioner. 

Lumberton, N. C, August 6, 1914. 
Hon. Cato Sells, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Mr. Sells : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of your letter of August 4, 1914, concerning my investigation of the 
condition, tribal rights, etc., of the Indians of Robeson and adjoining 
counties in North Carolina. 

I beg to say in reply that prior to the receipt of your letter I had 
made arrangements to attend the meeting of the so-caUed Croatan 
Indians at Pembroke, on August 11, and had so advised the leading 
Indians of the band. 

On Monday, August 3, I visited the homes of a large number of 
Indians living southwest of Lumberton in what are known as the 
Sampson and Hunt settlements. I took notes of their condition and 
conferred freely with them concerning their history, tribal rights, 
needs, conditions, and as to what Congress could best do for them. 
Tuesday, August 4, I conferred with a large number of the Indians in 
Lumberton, along the same lines, who had come in by arrangement 
t ) meet me for such a conference. Yesterday I spent the entire day at 
Pembroke in a similar conference wdth the Indians of the Pembroke 
neighborhood, and conferred with a very large number. I had made 
arrangements to visit the homes of the Indians of the Pembroke dis- 
trict to-day, but had to postpone the trip on account of rainy weather. 
I shall go to-morrow if the weather permits, and shall spend Monday in 



246 INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 

a similar visit to a different part of the Indian settlement; and as 1 
have said, I shall attend the Indian meeting at Pembroke on 
August 11. 

1 wish to assure you that I am making my investigation as thorough 
as possible, and shaU put forth my best efforts to get at the "bottom 
facts." 

With kindest regards, I am, very sincerely yours, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Indian Mass Meeting, Tuesday, August 11. 

There wiU be a mass meeting of the Indians at the normal school 
building in the town of Pembroke on Tuesday, August 11, 1914, at 
10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of considering all matters in 
which the Indians are interested ooth with reference to schools, the 
change of name, and any other business which may be necessary. 

This meeting is called at the request of Senator Simmons and Con- 
gressman Godwin for the purpose of getting our people together 
upon important matters. The time and place of meeting have been 
agreed upon by representatives of every section. We urgently 
request the Indians not only of Robeson, but of all adjoining counties, 
to attend this meeting, as matters of the greatest importance will be 
transacted. 

Senator Simmons, Congressman Godwin, and others have been 
invited to be present and address our people. 
Let as many as possible bring dinner. 

Stephen A. Hammond, 
G. H . C, Order ofRedmen. 
J, A. Hunt, 
G. F. M., Order of Rainbow. 
Stephen Hunt, 
Avener Chavis, 
Trot Cummins, 

Committee of invitation. 

Department of the Interior, 

Washington, August 14, 191 4. 
Auditor Robeson County, 

Lumherton, N. C. 
Dear Sir: If you have not already done so, I will thank you very 
much to send me by return mail, the property statistics, from the 
records of your office, of the so-called Croatan Indians of Robeson 
County. 

An early reply would be very much appreciated. 
Very respectfully, 

0. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

WasJiington, D. C, September 15, 1914. 
No reply has been received from the auditor of Robeson County 
to the above request for information. 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent 



indians of north carolina. 247 

Department of the Interior, 

Washington, August I4, 1914- 
Superintendent of Public Schools, 

Lumberton, N. C. 
Dear Sir: If you have not already done so, I will thank you very 
much to send me by return mail the school statistics of the so-called 
Croatan Indians of Robeson County for the school years 1912 and 1913. 
An early reply would be very much appreciated. 
Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Board op Education, Eobeson County, 

Lumberton, N. C, August 19, 1914- 
Mr. 0. M. McPherson, 

Washington, D. G. 
Dear Sir: Replying to your favor of few days ago, in regard to 
the Indian schools of Robeson County, I beg to submit the following 
statistics, as they appear of record in this department: 

Scholastic year 1912-13. 

Census (6 to 21).. 2,643 

Enrollment (6 to 21) 1,662 

Average daily attendance (6 to 21) 970 

Twenty-seven different schools were taught by 32 different teachers 
(21 male and 11 female teachers). These schools were taught in 
27 different buildings, which, together with sites on which they stood, 
were valued at S7,900. The average length of term was 85.70 days 
for all Indian schools in the county. In the special-tax districts the 
term averaged 111.43; in those districts which did not have a special 
tax the term averaged 80.54 days. During the year 1912-13, S500 
was expended for repairs on school buildings and $5,475.25 for 
teachers' salaries. 

Scholastic year 1913-14. 

Census 2, 948 

Enrollment (6 to 21) 1,854 

Average attendance (6 to 21) 1, 164 

Twenty-seven different schools were taught by 36 different teachers. 
We had the same number of school buildings as in the former year, 
but $1,160 was spent during the year for new buildings, repairs, etc., 
bringing the total valuation up to $9,060. The average length of term 
in all the Indian schools of the county was 102.66 days, in the special- 
tax schools 104, and in those districts which do not have special tax 
100.30 days; $6,410.25 was paid for teachers' salaries. The Indians 
at present have nine special-tax districts and a number of others wiD 
probably be estabUshed this year. 

It might be well to note that in the figures given above, the census 
includes all the children of school age in the county, while the figures 
giving the enrollment and average attendance include only those in 
the county pubhc schools and do not include those who enrolled and 
attended at the State normal at Pembroke. 



248 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

As it now stands these people have no educational opportunities 
beyond those offered by the local public schools and the State normal 
at Pembroke. When these have been completed there are no other 
institutions anywhere in this section of the country to which they 
can go for industrial or professional training. 
Yours, very truly, 

J. R. Poole. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August 19, 191 4- 
Mr. A. W. McLean, 

Attorney at Law, Lumberton, N. C. 
Dear Sir : Referring to our conversation before I left Lumberton, 
I have to advise you that so far as I now know I shall submit my 
report in the matter of the investigation of the Indians of Robeson 
and adjoining counties in North Carohna, before I take my vacation. 
Any matter which you care to submit in connection with the investi- 
gation should be sent to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs as early 
as practicable. 

Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 



The Bank of Lumberton, 

Lumberton, N. G., August 28, 191^. 
Mr. O. M McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent, Department of the Interior, 

Washington, D. 0. 
Dear Sir: I have your letter of the 19th, and just as soon as I can 
get a httle time I wiU try and send you the further data in regard to 
the Indians of Robeson County. I wiU probably send this in in the 
next two weeks. If that will be satisfactory, please let me know. 
Yours, truly, 

A. W. McLean. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August SI, 1914- 
Mr. A. W. McLean, 

President of Bank of Lumberton, Lumberton, N. 0. 
Dear Sir: Answering your letter of August 28, you are advised 
that any matter reaching me by September 7 or 8 wiU be in time for 
consideration in my report of investigations of the Indians of Robeson 
County. 

Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 



INDIANS OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 249 

Pembroke, N. C, August 25, 191 j^. 
Mr. McPherson. 

Sm: I am writing you a few lines to let you hear from me. I 
am well at present, truly hoping you the same. I will ask you 
a favor if it is not out of order for you to answer. If you please let 
me know about what date you will be able to make your report to 
the Indian Commissioner, as I would Uke to come up there about 
that time, and I hope that I am not out of order by asking you this 
favor. 

Write at once to yours truly, 

Wm. Lowry. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August 28, 1914. 
Mr. William Lowry, 

Pembroke, N. C. 
Dear Sir: I have received your letter of August 25, inquiring 
when I will file my report in the matter of the investigation of the 
affairs of the Indians of Robeson Comity, N. C. 

In reply you are advised that I expect to be able to file my report 
in said case about September 15. It must be understood that this 
is only an approximate date, as some unforeseen event might delay 
the filing of my report several days. Will be glad to see you at 
Washington whenever you can make it convenient to come. 
Very respectfully, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Pembroke, N. C, August 27, 1914- 
Mr. McPherson, 

Washington, D. C. 
Dear Sir: Do you think it necessary for the committee to be in 
Washington at the time when you submit your report for your visit 
to Eobeson County ? 

Mr. Wm. Lowne, Abner Chavis, and myself are the committee. 
Kindly advise me at your earhest convenience. 
Very respectfully, 

W. R. LOCKLEAE. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 

Washington, August 29, 1914- 

Mr. W. R. LOCKLEAR, 

Pembrolce, N. C. 

Dear Sir: I have received your letter of August 27, inquiring 
whether it will be necessary for the committee of Indians to be in 
Washington when I file my report in the matter of the investigation 
directed by Senate resolution No. 410. 

In response, you are advised that in my opinion it wUl not be 
necessary for your committee to be here when I file my report; 1 



250 INDIANS OF NORTH CAROLINA. 

can not see what the committee could accomplish by being here at 
that time. 

In the ordinary com-se of business my report wiU be sent to the 
Secretary of the Interior, and by him will be transmitted to Congress, 
in case he is of the opinion that my report covers all the essential 
facts. Whatever your committee can accompUsh will be through 
the proper committees in Congress. 

Very respectfully, O. M. McPherson, 

Special Indian Agent. 

St. Pauls, N. C, September 1, I914. 
Mr. O. M. McPherson, 

Washington, D. C. 
Dear Sir: Please grant me this privilege of writing you. I am 
weU and trust you are enjoying life with the greatest of pleasure. 
I do this to hear from you. Can you teU me anything that is good 
about our affairs? Would you like to have my picture with my 
hunting suit ? 

And if so, I will mail you one. 
Yours truly, 

A. Chavis. 



Department of the Interior, 

Office of Indian Affairs, 
Washington, September 3, 1914. 
Mr. Abner Chavis, 

St. Pauls, N. a 
Dear Mr. Chavis: I have received you letter of September 1st, 
inquiring whether I have anything good to tell you about the affairs 
of the Robeson County Indians, and whether I would hke to have 
one of your pictures taken in your hunting suit. 

In reply you are advised that I have not yet filed my report in the 
investigation of the affairs of the Kobeson County Indians; I hope 
to be able to file my report within a week. 

I regret that I did not take a camera with me so that I could have 
procured a large number of pictures of the Indians. However, I 
would be glad to have your picture for my own use, but I could not 
use one picture to advantage in my report. 
Very truly yours, 

O. M. McPherson, 
Special Indian Agent. 

Washington, D. C, August 29, 1914-. 

Dear Mr. McPherson: Referring to our conversation in regard 
to the matter of the Croatan Indians of North Carolina, I beg to 
hand you herewith a copy of H. R. 19036 introduced January 29, 
1910, by Mr. Godwin, entitled a bill to change the name of the Croatan 
Indians of the State of North Carolina to their original name, 
Cherokee. 

I also inclose you an extract concerning the Croatan Indians from 
the first volume of the Hand Book of Anierican Indians. If there 



INDIANS OP KOETH CABOLINA. 251 

is any further information I can furnish you concerning these people, 
kindly let me know. 

Yours, very truly, 

Charles J. Kappler. 

P. S. — I also inclose -a copy of the hearings had before the House 
Committee on Indian Affairs on S. bill 3258 "To acquire a site and 
erect buildings for a school for the Indians of Robeson County, 
N. C, and for other purposes," which passed the Senate. This bill 
was an effort to do something for these Indians. 



[H. R. 19036, Sixty-first Congress, second session.] 

In the House of Representatives. 

January 24, 1910.— Mr. Godwin introduced the following bill; which was referred 
to the Committee on Indian Affairs and ordered to be printed. 

A BILL To change the name of the Croatan Indians of the State of North Carolina 
to their original name, Cherokee. 

Whereas the Croatan Indians who now reside in the State of North 
Carolina are a branch of the Cherokee Tribe of Indians and are 
desirous of changing their name to the original name, Cherokee: 
Now, therefore, 

Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress a^semhled, That the name of the band 
of Croatan Indians in said State of North Carolina be, and the same 
is hereby, changed to Cherokee, by which name they shall be here- 
after known and designated. 

[Hand Book of American Indians, Bulletin 30, part 1, page 365.] 

Croatan. A village in 1585 on an island then called by the same 
name, which appears to have been that on which Cape Lookout is 
situated, on the coast of Carteret County, N. C. The inhabitants 
seem to have been independent of the chiefs of Secotan. It is 
thought that the lost colony of Lane, on Roanoke Island, joined 
them, and that traces of the mixture were discernible in the later 
Hatteras Indians. (J. M.) 

Croatan.— Lhne (1586) in Smith (1629), Virginia, 1, 92, repr. 1819. 
Croatoan. — Strachey (ca. 1612), Virginia, 43, 145, 1849. Crooton. — 
Lane, op. cit., 86. 

Croatan Indians. The legal designation in North Carolina fv)r a 
people evidently of mixed Indian and white blood, found in various 
eastern sections of the State, but chiefly in Robeson County, and 
numbering approximately 5,000. For many years I hey were classed 
with the free negroes, but steadily refused to accept such classifica- 
tion or to attend the negro schools or churches, claiming to be the 
descendants of the early native tribes and of white settlers who had 
intermarried with them. About 20 years ago their claim was offi- 
cially recognized and they were given a separate legal existence under 
the title of ''Croatan Indians," on the theory of descent from Ra- 
leigh's lost colony of Croatan (q. v.). Under this name they now 



252 INDIANS OP NORTH CAROLINA. 

have separate school provision, and are admitted to some privileges 
not accorded to the negroes. The theory of descent from the lost 
colony may be regarded as baseless, but the name itself serves as a 
convenient label for a people who combine in themselves the blood of 
the wasted native tribes, the early colonists or forest rovers, the 
runaway slaves or other negroes, and probably also of stray seamen 
of the Latin races from coasting vessels in the West Indian or Bra- 
zilian trade. 

Across the line in South Carolina are found a people, evidently of 
similar origin, designated "Redbones." In portions of western 
North Carolina and eastern Tennessee are found the so-called "Me- 
lungeons" (probably from French melange, "mixed"), or "Portu- 
guese," apparently an offshoot from the Croatan proper, and in Dela- 
ware are found the "Moors." All of these are local designations for 
peoples of mixed race with an Indian nucleous differing in no way 
from the present mixed-blood remnants known as Pamunkey, 
Chickahominy, and Nansemond Indians in Virginia, excepting in the 
more complete loss of their identity. In general, the physical fea- 
tures and complexion of the persons of this mixed stock incline more 
to the Indian than to the white or negro. 

See Metis, Mixed Bloods. (J. M.) 

o